
Class _^l/t;_ 

Book_7^ 

Copyright N° 

COPYRIGHT DEPOSnV 



Ireland's Revolt in M, 



4f 



WITH 



Sketches of Prominent Statesmen 



The Social Condition of the People, 



BY 



F'. TUIXE. 



Boston : 
AXGEI. GUARDIAN PRESS, 






(( JAN 



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^"^vm 



v;^ 



^fCopf^S^ 






2172 

Copyrighted, 1897 

BY 

F. TUITE. 






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INTRODUCTION. 



The historian of every nation finds a con- 
siderable part of his work in recounting and 
explaining revolutions. Great Britain has fur- 
nished its share of them. The most thrilling 
military records of England are found in the 
numerous insurrectionary movements of its 
people. If Ireland presents the same inter- 
esting features from time to time it need not 
strike anyone as strange. But the latest re- 
bellion of any serious import in that country, 
breaking out in 1798, has a special interest 
both for the compatriots and descendants of 
those who took part in it and for the general 
public, who sympathize with any people in 
arms to recover their liberty. 

It was a break for freedom made by a peo- 
ple long provoked by oppressive foreign legis- 
lation, and robbed of their possessions in the 
name of law. 

It was raslx, no doubt, on account of insuf- 
ficient preparation and the limited resources 
at the command of the rebels. Like all unsuc- 
cessful rebellions, it brought heavier chains 
and additional measures of repression on the 
country. But it was a new proof of the folly 
of a ruling power hoping to wholly stamp out 
the spirit of resistance against wrong. 



Through those one hundred years now past 
since the event the same spirit of revolt against 
tyranny has continued, silent, indeed, and 
partly suppressed ; and it is still there as fresh 
as ever ready to burst forth anew whenever a 
favorable opportunity is offered. So pow- 
erless is physical force against conscience, or 
unjust legislation against the noble aspirations 
of a people determined to be free ! 

Every sincere friend of the people de- 
plores the existence of this revolutionary ten- 
dency and would counsel moderate methods 
of seeking redress of grievances. Yet this 
spirit of revolt will cease only when statesmen 
will condescend to legislate in the interest of 
the dependent classes as well as of the aristoc- 
racy, and thus remove the cause of discontent. 

In our youth we heard our grandfathers tell 
those stories of bloodshed — of an armed peas- 
antry battling against regular English troops 
— of brave charges — of victories won ; and 
then, of final surrender and defeat. 

The writer recalls many earnest conversa- 
tions held on winter evenings during boyhood, 
as the family groups assembled about the 
cheerful fire. We, gan^ulous youths, drew 
from our aged parents those tales of troubled 
times. We listened with willing ears, and 
often with throbbing hearts, as the narrative 
led us through battlefields, or well-planned 
sieges, told by those who were themselves eye 
witnesses of the scenes, or actually took part 
in them. 



Our young minds could not conceive the 
need of those hangings of rebels ; not to speak 
of other more barbarous inflictions, that fol- 
lowed their defeat. We would often ask, 
"Would not a penalty less severe be enough 
for any government in order to keep down re- 
bellion?" 

What appeared then so unnecessary and so 
cruel has not changed since to our minds in 
its barbarous features. After a period of forty 
years passed since we heard the story we still 
pronounce it monstrous to sacrifice human 
life so needlessly. 

But, as history shows, in every country and 
age, a tyrannous power needs to perpetuate 
itself by measures even more opposed to rea- 
son and moderation and more revolting to 
humanity than the act of rebellion itself. 

While there is much to discourage the stu- 
dent of the past, we try to persuade ourselves, 
and we earnestly hope, that the occasion will 
never again arise for a repetition of such dis- 
astrous conflicts, and that future governments, 
following a more humane policy in legisla- 
tion, will remove all causes of dissension in 
the community and whatever tends to excite 
the wild passions of the multitude. 



CONTENTS. 



Introduction . . . . 

Contents ..... 

Chapter I — Agitation Preceding the Re 

hellion .... 

Chapter II — Causes of Discontent 
Chapter III — Efforts to Secure Foreign 

Aid 

Chapter IV — Conflict Begun 

Chapter V — Battles at New Ross, Ark 

low, and Vinegar Hill . 
Chapter VI — Some Battles in Ulster 
Chapter VII — Aid from France Arrives 
Chapter VIII — Battle of Ballinamuck 
Chapter IX — Other Expeditions from 

France .... 

Chapter X — Fate of the Leaders . 
Chapter X[ — Prominent Statesmen of the 

Time ..... 
Chapter XII — The Union of Ireland with 

Great Britain 
Chapter XIII — Causes of Dissension 

among Irish Patriots 
Concluding Hints 



5 
9 

1 1 

31 
26 

33 

44 
50 

52 
62 

65 
67 

S6 

lOI 

12J/ 
151 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98. 



CHAPTER I. 

AGITATION PRECEDING THE REBELLION. 

Among the venerable storytellers to whom 
the youth of our native village looked for in- 
formation about those past troubled times — 
the gloomiest in Ireland's records — the writer 
recalls one whose gray hairs and well-known 
intelligence made him listened to with respect 
by old and young. He was past seventy 
years, and his memory went back with great 
clearness to all the minute details of the re- 
bellion. 

No wonder he remembered it. At the out- 
break he was in his twentieth year; was him- 
self arrested and locked up a prisoner in the 
market-house of a neighboring town, among 
a crowd of other rebels, for a whole day, ex- 
pecting to be hanged, as scores of his com- 
panions met their fate before his eyes. Often 
he pointed out to us the place where the scaf- 
fold was erected. Many a brave life was here 
sacrificed in the cause of freedom ! Fortun- 
ately he had a friend among the yeomanry, in 
whose hands the fate of all the prisoners lay, 
and by special pleading he was liberated at the 
last moment. "T never felt death so near,'' he 
would say, "as I did on that day." 

His place of residence throughout the whole 
of his long life was close to the leading high- 
way in the centre of the village. On fine days 



12 IRELAN-D'S REVOLT IN '98 

he could be seen regularly seated on a wooden 
bench placed near the door porch, where he 
could see all who passed on their way to the 
fair or market.. Few, indeed, came along 
whose names he did not know; and all were 
sure of a hearty word of greeting, as well as 
some new banter, which put them in the best 
of humor as they proceeded on their journey. 
The children who passed daily from school 
were always attracted by the fresh joke he had 
prepared for them; and the whole crowd, 
shouting with merriment, scampered off. eager 
to repeat at home the friendly remark of the 
kind old grandfather. 

There were three of us schoolmates who, on 
entering a higher class, were becoming inter- 
ested in the history of our country, and we 
talked together about getting a good and full 
account of the famous rebellion from the lips 
of the old gentleman, who remembered it all 
so well. 

Felix, being fourteen years old and the 
senior in our little group, was to be our 
spokesman, and on a certain afternoon, as we 
passed our old friend, a request was made that 
he would give us the desired information. 

"With pleasure, my good lads," said he. 
"Sit here on this bench, all of you, and I will 
begin at once. But you must know that it 
will take more than one afternoon to go over 
the whole story. Flowever, there need be no 
hurry; you may call every day as you pass 
from school and I will tell you all in parts. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 13 

It may take a whole week before I get to the 
end." 

Tom, who was a younger brother of Fehx, 
and full as anxious to hear new stories, ap- 
peared delighted with the cheerful reply given 
to their request. "I hope," said he, "it will not 
fatigue you to repeat so many things. I think 
we will have many questions to ask." 

"Don't fear for that," answered the kind old 
man. "I like to see young people seeking in- 
formation about the past history of their coun- 
try and I am never tired going over those 
scenes now long passed, and recalling those 
persons who were famous in my younger 
days." 

"To begin, I must remind you that the 
actual rebellion did not last long. The first 
conflict took place on the 23d day of May, and 
all was over about the middle of November. 
It was a contest of not more than six months' 
duration. Preparations had been going on 
secretly for some time. There was a good 
deal of agitation, among those who had the 
courage to speak, for the previous seven 
years. Tlie active organization of the revolt 
was hardly begun two years before. 

Indeed, ever since the American colonies 
cast off the yoke of England, twenty-two 
years just passed, and established themselves 
as the United States — a free and independent 
republic, the people of Ireland began to take 
courage. Before that happy event Ireland had 
been for a good while completely disheart- 



14 IRELx\ND'S REVOLT IN '98 

ened. The revolution in France, also in the 
year 1789, roused a new spirit of hope 
throughout Ireland, as well as every other 
nation struggling for independence. The 
public press became bolder in its censures 
of the corrupt methods of government then 
prevalent. Several clever writers among the 
patriots had printed, both in newspapers and 
pamphlets, severe attacks on the many abuses 
of those in power. The guilty ones were held 
up to ridicule in this way in humorous verses 
and rhymes circulated among the peasantry. 
Just as you now see those ballad singers in 
the streets of our towns, so it was then a very 
general custom to have those patriotic and 
humorous verses printed and sung at public 
gatherings. The peasantry of the whole coun- 
try, who did not have newspapers as we have 
now, were thus made aware of the state of 
public affairs. 

Public meetings were held, too, as long as 
the law did not interfere. Stirring speeches 
were made by educated men, who denounced 
the many wrongs of the nation, and discussed 
the various reforms necessary. Those meet- 
ings were soon proclaimed unlawful. To take 
part in them, or to be the author of any printed 
criticism of the civil administration was pun- 
ished by heavy fines and imprisonment. 
These measures drove the people to secret 
methods of discussing their public grievances. 
Secret societies were started under various 
titles. Of these the principal one was that of 
the "United Irishmen." 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 15 

The young- listeners were all attention as 
the old man went on. Felix here, with a ser- 
ious expression on his face, observed: "I 
suppose there were lots of policemen then, as 
now, to spy about and report on people." 
"Not only such as we have now," was the re- 
ply, "but there were soldiers stationed in al- 
most every town, who made arrests by order 
of the nearo^t magistrate; and there were 
-Other spies paid by the government for nothing 
else but to go about in disguise everywhere 
and report what they heard and saw." 

"Was the rebellion planned by the Cath- 
olics?" asked Tom. 

"Not at all." replied the grandfather. "It 
was planned and directed by Protestants from 
the very beginning, and as long as it lasted. 
The Catholics were forced into it as the agita- 
tion went on, and the great majority of the 
armed peasantry were Catholics. For a long- 
time they knew they had a just cause for re- 
bellion, and were willing- to join in such a 
movement when they could see a fair prospect 
of success. They, indeed, had the greatest of 
reasons for rebelling, as I will explain by and 
by ; but many of them doubted the wisdom of 
the plans on which it was organized, while 
others were slow to join because the prepara- 
tions appeared insuf^cient. 

It may appear strange that they had such 
earnest friends among their Protestant fellow- 
countrymen; for the penal laws which so 
cruelly oppressed them were made by a Pro- 



16 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

testant government. But it is a fact that the 
most ardent patriots and rebels were non- 
Cathohcs. Many of them were Presbyterians 
and dissenters of other sects, who had no 
friendship for the Church of England Pro- 
testants. They shared in some of the disabil- 
ities that were aimed at Catholics, and thus 
were led to have sympathy with them in re- 
sisting laws that interfered with 4he religious 
opinions of both. Besides, in that generation 
there w^ere great numbers of Protestants of all 
classes who, although descended from Eng- 
lish and Scotch settlers commenced to look 
upon Ireland as their country, and to take an 
ardent interest in its welfare. However wrong- 
fully their fathers got hold of their Irish es- 
tates, they saw no reason for continuing harsh 
to their Catholic neighbors who had been 
robbed of their possessions by unjust laws, 
and were reduced to a state of misery deplor- 
able enough. They had feelings for those 
Catholics among whom they were brought 
up, of whose sufiferings they were witnesses, 
and whose upright and generous character 
they learned to admire. They had seen their 
fill of gross persecution for conscience sake 
from childhood, and were willing to do a ser- 
vice to a people whom their fathers hated and 
treated as enemies. However they might dif- 
fer in their rehgious views, they decided that 
all could and ought to unite in the removal of 
political abuses, and in securing for Ireland 
the ordinary rights of civilized men. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 17 

It was a repetition of that spirit which grew 
up in their kinsmen across the Atlantic 
twenty-two years before, which led them to 
unite, without thought of religious differences, 
and drive forever from American soil the hate- 
ful tyranny of a bigoted English aristocracy. 

Among the most prominent actors in the in- 
surrection was Theobald Wolf Tone. He was 
well known to have a dislike for Catholics. 
The same was said of Grattan, the greatest 
orator of his time and the tireless advocate of 
Ireland's rights. Another very upright and 
disinterested Protestant in the movement was 
Thomas Addis Emmett." 

"Was he the Emmett who was hanged for 
treason?" asked Tom. 

"No," replied the aged historian; "the one 
to whom you refer was Robert, a brother to 
Thomas Addis. He was hanged for planning 
another insurrection a few years afterwards." 

"As the society called 'United Irishmen' was 
the organization that gave birth to the insur- 
rection at this time, we do well to recall in a 
few words its early movements. It was 
founded in Belfast in the year 1791 by a party 
of twenty young patriotic citizens. The lead- 
ing and most active member was Wolf Tone, 
now in his twenty-eighth year. He was a na- 
tive of Kildare, a prominent lawyer, and popu- 
lar agitator. Through him a branch was soon 
formed in Dublin ; and from these two centres 
it spread to all parts of the country. The first 
object thought of was a reform of parliament." 



18 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

"What was wrong- with parHament that they 
wanted reformed?" said Felix. "You are right 
in asking that question, my boy," answered 
the grandfather. "To know that will help us 
to understand the cause of so much discontent 
and murmurs among the people for many 
years before as well as since." An honest 
parliament would be formed of members 
elected by the people of the country, and 
would pay attention to the interests of the peo- 
ple who elected them. But the Irish parlia- 
ment was never an honest one. The members 
were seldom of the people's choice. The great 
majority of them got their places by sham 
elections, by bribery, or by influence of friends 
who forced voters by threats of various kinds. 
Instead of being the choice of the people, 
they were the favorites of the rich foreign 
landlords. 

"I suppose," said Tom, "the voters were led 
to the polls as we saw the crowd of tenants 
last week following their landlord between 
two lines of soldiers to take care of them as 
they trotted along like a flock of sheep." 

"Just so," was the reply. "That was one 
way of doing it, quite common then. Such 
ridiculous sights got to be so common that 
the shame of it was not felt by the so-called 
'gentry' who owned the land and the people 
who cultivated it, as if they were of no account 
except to produce a revenue for their masters. 
But worse still: the Catholics, who were the 
great majority of the population, were not 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 19 

allowed to vote at all; even when holding land 
as tenants, while to aspire to be a member of 
parliament was expressly forbidden to them in 
one of the penal laws. 

The oath taken by the new society called 
'United Irishmen' was 'to forward a brother- 
hood of affection, an identity of interests, a 
commtmion of rights, and a union of power 
among Irishmen of all denominations.' 

Their efforts were to be directed to procur- 
ing honest and free elections for all future 
members of parliament ; and put an end to the 
old practice of having strangers forced upon 
them against their will, every denomination 
being fairly represented in both houses of leg- 
islature. 

In Dublin the regular meeting place chosen 
by the society was a spacious building called 
Tailors' Hall, in Back Lane. From the num- 
ber of popular gatherings held here it was 
commonly called the 'Back Lane Parliament.' 

At this famous hall many fervid speeches 
were made by such noted members as Simon 
Butler, a barrister; by Napper Tandy, a mer- 
chant of the city, and by Oliver Bond. 
Among the Catholics who regularly attended 
were John Keogh and McCormick. 

As miglitt be expected, there were spies 
sent by the Castle to watch all the proceedings. 
The meetings were declared illegal, and sev- 
eral arrests followed, on the charge of havmg 
used seditious language and censured the rul- 
ing powers. 



20 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

The society was forced now to conduct its 
deliberations in secret. Tlie abuses in parlia- 
ment were beyond all hope of correction. 
That body had become a rotten thing, unwor- 
thy of the name, and deserved to be blotted 
out of existence. Complete separation from 
English rule was resolved upon as the only 
possible remedy, and a republic for Ireland 
was planned after that lately established in 
France. 

The arming of the whole population secretly 
was devised, as well as a method of calling 
them to action when the time should seem 
ripe, and take possession of all the strong- 
holds in the hands of the royal troops. 

The aid of France and any other friendly 
power was to be secured, and agents were dis- 
patched to settle such alliances as early as it 
could be accomplished. 

The revolutionary movements of this armed 
population in every part of the country were 
directed by a committee of five members with 
supreme authority, called the 'Executive Di- 
rectory.' This was located in Dublin. Each 
of the provinces had its directory, under con- 
trol of that at headquarters. Each county 
had its committee to attend to the enrolment 
of the local organizations. A careful system 
of transmitting orders from the supreme lodge 
through all the different degrees down to the 
common ranks was contrived, to keep the 
plans secret from all not in sympathy with 
the rebels. 



CHAPTER II. 

CAUSES OF DISCONTENT. 

On the following- day, as our young school- 
mates walked together on their way home, 
they discussed several matters that were not 
quite clear to them in the course of Irish af- 
fairs, and they decided to ask an explanation 
at their next meeting with their aged his- 
torian. One thing they wished to learn was 
the meaning of the penal laws. 

Glad to see their growing interest in such 
important points in their country's history, 
he assented, and, clearing his throat, he be- 
gan, as follows: "Your question is quite na- 
tural. I will give you a full list of those inhu- 
man laws in a future conversation. It would 
delay my story too much to explain all of 
them now. But a few of the worst which 
caused such terrible wrong and discontent 
among the people may be noticed before I go 
farther. The penal laws were contrived to 
force Catholics to adopt the Protestant Church 
of England, or, in case they refused and yet 
remained in the country, to deprive them of 
the right to vote or to hold any ofifice under 
government — to deprive them of education, 
and gradually take out of their hands all prop- 
erty, whilst they were to be repeatedly fined 
and imprisoned for neglecting to attend the 
Protestant form of worship. 



22 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

"How these laws worked in reducing the 
CathoHc people to a state of poverty and de- 
pendence we have plenty of evidence before 
our eyee. During those long years of oppres- 
sion there were a few here and there to give 
up their religion in order to keep their prop- 
erty in their hands and to get the education 
that was offered to them on such base terms. 
But perverts of this kind were very few, in- 
deed, compared with the great body of the na- 
tion who, holding to their faith, were driven 
to beggary and a condition no better than 
slavery in their native land. 

"These laws were repealed some years ago 
through the agitation of the great O'Connell. 
I attended some meetings where he spoke on 
that subject. I was a young man then; and I 
tell you he could rouse the people to the high- 
est pitch of enthusiasm by his eloquence. At 
meetings held all over the country he called 
the attention of the whole world to the mean- 
ness of these laws, and when reasoning did no 
good he shamed tlie government into grant- 
ing the repeal. 

"You are lucky, my boys, to have your 
good schools so near you. If you lived in 
those times you would have no chance to 
learn to read or write unless you became little 
Protestants; which I am sure you never would 
do. Things are improving slowly. But we 
have not well recovered from the effects of 
those laws yet." 

"Another thins: that Tom wanted to ask 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 23 

about," said Felix, "is the meaning of what 
they call tithes." 

"Well," said the old man, "that was another 
wretched business that caused no end of trou- 
ble." 

"Tithes were a tax forced from the people 
for the support of Protestant clergymen 
placed by English government in charge of 
churches scattered all over the country. Even 
in localities wliicre no Protestants lived there 
were parishes formed and churches built at 
the expense of Catholic taxpayers." 

"I suppose," said Tom, "like the small 
church yonder near Landlord Hopkins's big 
house. They say that the minister has none 
to preach to except his wife and children, and 
the sexton, and the landlord, wdien he is ar 
home." 

"In many places," said the grandfather, 
"such was the case." "Now, Tom, just imag- 
ine one of those visitors calling at your 
father's house some fine morning to demand 
the tithes for his support. It was a common 
practice for many years. Along with the min- 
ister would come the sheriiT and several sol- 
diers from the nearest barracks — all on horse- 
back. The amount they must get was fixed 
beforehand. Your property was valued — that 
is, your cattle, your crops, and all about your 
house. Their part was to be the tenth, or as 
near it as they could get, every year. If you 
refused to pay it they could drive ofi a part of 
your cattle; and if you had no cattle, they 



24 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

would take some of the furniture, or clothing 
— perhaps your mother's best dress — anything 
that could be auctioned ofif to get the amount 
of cash you were supposed to owe for the 
support of the minister and his family. 

Another hardship that goaded the people 
to have recourse to arms was the free quar- 
tering of the royal troops in the homes of the 
suspected inhabitants. Soldiers were billeted 
among the people of all classes, so' that every 
family luad to give free lodging and board to 
one or more of those disgusting redcoats. I 
don't think, Tom, you would like to see one 
of those greedy and lazy orange soldiers set- 
tling himself in your father's house, taking the 
best room to sleep in, and demanding the best 
food in the place. Your mother's fattest 
chickens would soon be eaten up, and when 
the fowl were all gone the big appetites of 
these brutish fellows would have to be ap- 
peased by some other meat, even if the best 
cow on the farm was to be killed for that pur- 
pose." 

"I would shoot him," said the young lad, as 
his face grew red and a fierce expression 
brightened his eyes. 

"It would not be easy to do it,'' continued 
the old man. "The people all felt like you; 
but it would be useless to attack such well- 
armed lodgers. It was, indeed, impossible to 
have patience at times; and many a fearful en- 
counter arose between the master of the house 
and the brutish, saucy lodger. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 25 

AsUt was the most barbarous of all the late 
acts of government, so it was the surest way 
that could be tried to excite the people to 
frenzy, and force them to take up arms, even 
though death stared them in the face." 



CHAPTER III. 

EFFORTS TO SECURE FOREIGN AID. 

''Now we must return to where we left off,'' 
commenced the grandfather, when his young 
listeners took their places on the bench beside 
him for the third time. "The patriots, you will 
recollect, decided to apply to some foreign 
nation to assist them. Of course France was 
the first tO' come to their minds, as its people 
had been always friendly to Ireland and had 
kept up the old warlike feeling against Eng- 
land. 

Wolf Tone olifered himself for the important 
mission. He was obliged to fly at this time 
from the danger of arrest which threatened 
him, and he succeeded in eluding the officers 
sent on his track. On a vessel bound for the 
United States he got off safely, determined to 
reach France on another ship starting from 
some American port, and, perhaps, gain some 
sympathy and assistance in negotiating the 
business he had in hands. 

In this he was not disappointed. His en- 
thusiasm in the cause of liberty for his countr^^ 
must have grown still greater on this visit to 
a new people already enjoying the blessings of 
independence. There were many Irishmen 
there who had fought well in the American 
war to drive England from that country for 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 27 

ever; and they were glad to hear from him any 
prospects of gaining the same freedom for Ire- 
land. 

When starting from New York he was sup- 
lied with letters of introduction to prominent 
politicians in France who could help him in 
carrying out his projects. One of these was 
the American ambassador at Paris, Mr. Mon- 
roe, who afterwards became president of the 
United States. 

Arrived in Paris in Februar}-, 1796, he was 
received with favor, and everything promised 
well for the cause. Among the distinguished 
ofificers then at the head of the French army 
were Napoleon, Hoche and Grouchy. They 
took an active part in forwarding Tone's object. 

After some delay a fleet was got ready con- 
sisting of 17 sail of the line, 13 frigates and 13 
smaller ships carrying 15,000 picked troops. 
It started from Brest, December i6th, '96. 
Tone accompanied the expedition, holding the 
rank of Colonel on the stafT of General Hoche. 

The fleet reached the coast of Ireland after 
three days' sail without encountering any Eng- 
lish ships in the passage. After entering Ban- 
try Bay on the coast of Kerry a landing of the 
troops was decided upon. The day happened 
to be the Feast of Christmas. A violent storm, 
however, arising in the night before the time 
set for debarkation the ships were forced to 
stand out far from shore; and after waiting 
some days for favorable weather it was decided 
to put off the invasion and return to France. 



28 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '08 

While Tone was thus occupied with the 
French another agent from Ireland was sent to 
Holland, now a new Republic under the name 
of Batavia. The agent's name was Lewines. 
He was successful also as well as Tone in se- 
curing a fleet to act in union with that of 
France. 

Fine promises, at least, were made; and a 
fleet fitted out ready to embark. But one delay 
after another followed — chiefly on account of 
unfavorable weather, and at last the troops 
were ordered ashore with no hope of resuming 
the project. 

Wolf Tone in the face of these disappoint- 
ments was not to be discouraged. Again he 
busied himself among the French allies, and 
soon a third expedition was got ready which 
he accompanied in the rank of adjutant-gen- 
eral in the Fall of '98; but of this I will say 
more later on." 

Felix could hardly keep Tom quiet in his 
eagerness to ask some new question that came 
to his mind during the latter part of the story. 

"We must not interrupt the conversation,'' 
he often whispered to his young companion. 
It was agreed, however, between them that the 
next day they would inquire what was going 
on in Ireland while Tone was absent in 
France. 

"Very w^ell," said the old man, when the 
matter was brought up at their next meeting. 
"I am ready now to tell you all about that." 

"Tlie patriots at home were not idle during 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 29 

all this time. The men of greatest ability and 
prominence at the head of the movement in 
Dublin where the Director)^ kept its office 
were Thomas Russell, Thomas Addis Emmet, 
Arthur O'Connor, and Dr. McNevin. 

The work of enrolling the peasantry 
throughout Ireland as members of the United 
Irishmen went on steadily. Towards the close 
of the year '97 there were 500,000 reported 
ready to take up arms when called upon. Of 
these about 300,000 had secured firelocks or 
pikes; 100,000 belonged to Ulster; about 
60,000 were counted from Leinster, and the 
remainder from Connaught and Munster. 

The office of Commander-in-chief was given 
to Lord Edward Fitzgerald, a young and 
active patriot who had been formerly a Major 
in the British army. 

For all these recruits there was not a supply 
of arms and other necessary stores; but for 
such supplies they depended on France; and 
they delayed the time of rising until the arrival 
of the fleet expected through the exertions of 
Wolfe Tone. 

Although these plans were laid with the 
greatest secrecy you will not wonder to hear 
that the castle officials at Dublin were in- 
formed of everything by their spies, who car- 
ried the news to them from day to day. 

Several arrests were made. The most active 
leaders were cast into prison. I am sorry to 
have to say that there were some traitors 
among the rebels who reported to the authori- 



30 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

ties at the Castle all that was going on. For 
this, of course, they were well rewarded; for 
bribes were held out every day to any such 
mean wretches who would betray their coun- 
trymen. 

It may appear strange to you when 1 say 
that the English government desired to see 
the Irish start a rebellion. Although there was 
a good deal of show made of opposition to an 
insurrection, yet all this time and for some 
years before the officials of the castle tried 
various ways of provoking the people to open 
warfare. 

Here Felix spoke up. "Do you mean," said 
he, "that the English wished the Irish to re- 
bel — forced them to rebel, and then arrested 
them and hanged them for rebelling?" 

"Exactly,'' was the reply. 

"I would be a rebel, too!" shouted Tom ex- 
citedly, "if I lived in those times!" 

"That is what a great, honest English soj- 
dier. Sir John Moore, said when he saw how 
the Irish were treated," replied the grand- 
father. His words were: "If I were an Irish- 
man I would be a rebel. " 

"The reason why the English government 
v.'ere pleased to see an Irish insurrection break 
out was in order to have a pretext for doing 
away with the Irish parliament, and uniting 
Ireland with England to be ruled only by the 
English parliament in London. 

All this was planned by the ministers of 
George III. even as early as '93. The Irish 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 31 

parliament had become a tool in the hands of 
those ministers who were sent over year after 
year to create new members of the House of 
Lords such as would be ready to vote any 
measure the King's deputies wanted, and to 
fill the House of Commons with a crowd of 
members not by honest elections, but by brib- 
ery and other disreputable methods. 

In such a parliament it was easy to rush 
throvtgh those various oppressive laws which 
followed. 

The Catholics were deprived of all voice at 
elections. It was declared unlawful for any- 
one to have arms in his possession. A new 
power was given to common magistrates 
everywhere, and even to military officers, to 
arrest and convict anyone they might suspect 
as favoring the rebelion. 

The English troops stationed in the various 
districts could do as they pleased. These sol- 
diers cared nothing for the feelings of the 
families where they took forcible lodging. 
They were Orangemen for the most part ; and, 
of course, it was their inclination to be as in- 
sulting as possible to the Catholics whilst it 
was their business to provoke resistance. 

You easily see that where common soldiers 
were allowed such liberties the life of a rebel, 
or one suspected as a rebel, was not thought 
of much value. 

Wherever the officers happened to be un- 
usually cruel and brutish many innocent per- 
sons were executed without the formalitv of 



32 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

a trial, and various kinds of cruelties were in- 
flicted on the defenseless peasantry — some- 
times to terrify them into submission and 
sometimes to extort information about those 
suspected of disloyalty. Some of these cruel- 
ties make one shudder to think of them. It is 
only among savage nations we could imagine 
such horrors possible. 

The testimony of a new commander of the 
royal forces sent over in November, '97, leaves 
no doubt on the subject. He was a gallant 
Scotch soldier with half a century of brave ser- 
vice in his record, and after a week's residence 
in Dublin he was forced to condemn in the 
most energetic terms the barbarous policy of 
government as administered at that time. 
Writing in confidence to his son, he says: 
"The abuses of all kinds I found here can 
scarcely be believed or enumerated." 



CHAPTER IV. 

CONFLICT BEGUN. 

No wonder that the rising was hastened un- 
der such a state of things. Although favorable 
reports continued to come from Tone and his 
companions in France yet it was thought bet- 
ter delay the actual uprising until the expected 
troops and supplies should land. 

The government forces were now increased 
at the different garrisons throughout the prov- 
inces. Of yeomanry — chiefly Orangemen and 
militia with English and Scotch corps there 
were about 35,000. Of regular troops with 
new additions the number was 80,000. 

Against this army of 115,000 men the rebels 
could count on 300,000 ready to take the field, 
but, of course, not so well armed and without 
the training and discipline of regular troops. 

The Castle authorities at Dublin became 
alarmed on learning that the city garrisons 
were to be among the first marked out for an 
attack. 

During the first months of '98 important ar- 
rests were made among the heads of the in- 
surrection. Among them were Father James 
Quigley, Arthur O'Connor and the brothers 
John and Benjamin Binn. They were inter- 
cepted on their way to France towards the end 
of Februar>^ On the 12th of March the Leins- 



34 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

ter delegates were seized with all their papers 
at the house of Oliver Bond in Bridge street, 
Dublin. Thomas Addis Emmet and Dr. Mc- 
Nevin were taken in their own houses, and 
William Sampson in the north of England. 
Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the commander-in- 
chief of the rebel army, after evading the gov- 
ernment spies successfully for two months, 
was at last taken on the 19th of May at his hid- 
ing place in Thomas street. 

Left without a head, the insurgents deter- 
mined to go on and strike the first blow on the 
23d, as had been decided some time before. 

The signal for making the first attack was 
the departure of the mail coaches from the 
Dublin post ofifice at night. They were to be 
simultaneously stopped. 

The assault to be made on the castle and 
other forts about the city had to be abandoned; 
but a well armed force of insurgents com- 
menced action at Rathfarnham, a village about 
three miles northwest of the city, where a body 
of yeomanry under Lord Ely were stationed. 
The charge was successful for some time and 
a retreat made only after a force of dragoons 
under Lord Roden arrived in haste from the 
city. 

The garrison at Naas, in Kildare County, 
was also attacked by a large force. Tliree 
times the charge was made with great deter- 
mination, but the rebels were forced to yield 
after losing 140 of their men. 

Similar engagements took place at no less 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 35 

than a dozen places in the one county of Kil- 
clare. Never did soldiers fight with more reso- 
lution, as never did a people rise in self-defence 
having a more just cause for going to war. 
But something else was needed as well as hero- 
ism and courage. The want of effective arms 
alone prevented sviccess. The old-fashioned 
pikes and firelocks coidd aid little in resisting 
the charge of cavalry and an unfailing supply 
of ammunition. 

At the town of Prosperous a small garrison 
of Cork militia was cut ofif by a brave charge 
under Dr. Esmonde. This brave leader was 
betrayed a few weeks afterward and executed. 

At Monasterevan the rebels were repulsed 
with great loss. They were victors at Rath- 
anagan, where they held the town for several 
days. The force that captured Prosperous 
tried to repeat their skill of arms in Clane, but 
were forced to retire. 

At old Kilcullen a strong force of the regular 
army was defeated, having lost 22 men along 
with Captian Erskine. 

In one week from the first battle the Kildare 
fighting was all over. The six encampments 
of rebels in this county were dispersed, and all 
their most active offtcers were in prison or had 
fled to the south or west. 

An important movement was planned by 
several adjoining counties. Their united forces 
were to meet on the famous hill of Tara on the 
27th of May in order to make a bold attack on 
some neighboring posts of the enemy. 



36 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

The men of Cavan, Longford, Louth and 
Monaghan were late in arriving on the date 
fixed, and a powerful government force 
reached the place before them and surrounded 
the hill. The rebel camp, however, small as it 
was, made a desperate light in defending their 
position, and, although forced to retire, they 
left 26 Highlanders and six yeomanry dead on 
the field. 

At Dunlavin an attack on the barracks 
failed. During the engagement here it turned 
out that some of the yeomanry were in sym- 
pathy with the rebels. By order of a military 
inquiry into their guilt 19 Wexfordmen and 9 
Kildare men were executed. 

Next followed assaults on the towns of 
Blessington and Carlow. The former was be- 
sieged and easily taken; at the latter the enemy 
proved too strong. 

We now turn to Wexford where the fiercest 
fighting took place. In no other part of Ire- 
land did the royal troops meet such long and 
stubborn resistance. Although this county 
was not reported as having made much prep- 
aration for the revolt it turned out soon to be 
the best united when the spark of war was 
fanned by the news from other conflicts. 

The people of this section were rather op- 
posed to the rising as it had been planned; for 
they adopted the opinion of the Catholic clergy 
generally that the country was not sufficiently 
prepared for such a vast undertaking when 
the strength of the English forces now in- 
creased at all points was considefed. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 37 

But after the actual conflict when tidings of 
partial victories on the side of the insurgents 
spread as far as the Southern provinces the 
natives became more hopeful and emboldened 
to take a part along with their brethren of the 
central and northern counties. 

Besides the conduct of the troops of yeo- 
manry at the different garrisons became more 
and more brutal. Groundless charges against 
the peaceful inhabitants were everywhere 
made. Outrages of the most barbarous kind 
were inflicted on people on the mere suspicion 
of disloyalty ; and so intense were the feelings 
of resentment roused in the breasts of all that 
it became impossible to restrain them any 
longer. From peaceful citizens they were 
driven to the desperate resolution of defending 
by arms what they despaired • of saving by 
peaceful measures. 

We notice here a rather singular feature in 
the uprising not found in other places. It is 
the active part taken by several priests in some 
important battles. 

The young listeners showed more and more 
eagerness to catch every word as the story 
grew full of new and startling events. 

"I thought," broke in Felix, "that priests 
could not take part in war." 

"They are not allowed by the rules of the 
church to carry arms or fight in battle." replied 
the grandfather. "In case a priest's life is 
threatened he can lawfully defend himself like 
any other man. But beyond that priests are 



38 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

not to take part in the shedding of blood. On 
the battlefield they are allowed to be present 
for the purpose of giving spiritual aid to the 
dying, and in this way they bear a very valu- 
able part in every just war. 

At this particular time in Wexford there 
were circumstances which appeared to justify 
the unusual part which they did take. 

Among the many atrocities inflicted on the 
quiet peasantry by the insulting royal troops 
was the burning of the Catholic chapels 
throughout the country. There were 65 of 
these houses of worship destroyed in Leinster 
alone during the rebellion, and 22 of them be- 
longed to Wexford. It is worth notice that 
only one Protestant church was destroyed in 
retaliation during the same period. 

The names of the priests who led the rebels 
in battle were Father John Murphy of Kilcor- 
mick, Father Michael Murphy of Gorey, 
Father Philip Roche. Father Clinch and 
Father Kearns. 

One fine morning — it was Whit Sunday, 
May 27th — as Father John Murphy visited his 
chapel at Kilcormick he found the building in 
ashes — the work of a body of yeomanry who 
had passed that way. 

His indignation was aroused. From that 
moment his mind was made up to lead his 
people in defence of their homes and lives 
now exposed every momnt to the license of the 
foreign troops. He addressed the congregation 
assembled around him, and in view of the 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 39 

ruined chapel he offered himself to be their 
leader even in armed resistance, since there 
was now no other way of removing the horrors 
from which they suffered. Was it not better, 
he said, to meet death in a fair field than suffer 
the tortures which they could hardly escape 
in their peaceful homes. 

In a short time 2,000 of the country people 
were under his command. A supply of arms 
was hastily collected and every man prepared 
to do his part, making up by enthusiasm and 
valor for the imperfect manner of their equip- 
ment. This sturdy band took a position on the 
hill called Oulart,' about 1 1 miles north of the 
town of Wexford, where they hoped to be 
joined soon by a much larger force. They were 
attacked on the same afternoon by the royalist 
troops, composed of North Cork militia under 
Colonel Foote, with some yeomen and Wex- 
ford cavalry. 

Aided by their position the rebels made a 
brave defence. They proved themselves 
skilled in the use of arms. The attacking troops 
began to fall fast from the moment they came 
within sight, and leaving their dead and 
wounded scattered around the base of the hill 
the cavalry turned back, galloping 'n\ disorder 
to the county town. 

The success of this beginning was reported 
quickly all over the county, and the people be- 
came thoroughly aroused. 

On the same day Father Michael Murphy, 
who was parish priest of Gorey, found his 



40 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 

chapel wrecked, and like his brother John at 
Kilcormick, full of indignation, he proceeded 
at once to join the rebels, who were assembled 
at Kilthomas Hill, near Carnew. Means were 
taken to notify every section of the county to 
unite in arms. Bonfires were kindled on the 
tops of the highest hills as signals to the in- 
habitants, while horsemen were dispatched to 
give orders everywhere as the leaders had de- 
cided. 

The insurgents found themselves strong 
enough to seize the neighboring towns held by 
the royal troops. 

On the 28th they took possession of Ferns, 
Camolin and Enniscorthy after a short en- 
counter. In taking the latter town the fight 
lasted four hours, when the yeomanry lost 80 
men, a captain, and two lieutenants. The rest 
filed to Wexford, where was stationed a strong 
garrison, composed of 300 North Cork militia, 
200 Donegal, and 700 of the home militia. 
Here the town was surrendered to the rebels 
without opposition. 

On the 30th of the month (Wednesday) a 
large force of the enemy from the fortress at 
Duncannon advanced to retake the town; but 
they were attacked unexpectedly from the 
rebel camp that had prepared for the assault a 
few miles outside the town. The enemy lost 
three officers and about 100 men. Besides the 
number killed there were several prisoners as 
wedl as three howitzers and 11 gunners seized 
by the rebels. Those three considerable vie- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 41 

tories inside of one week inspired the victors 
with greater ambition. They naturally believed 
the northern and midland counties equally 
active ,or, at least able to keep in check the 
royalist forces in their province; and a deter- 
mination was formed to march on even as far 
as Dublin itself. 

With this object the main part of their body 
was to advance under command of Anthony 
Perry, Esmond Kyan and the two brother 
priests. Fathers John and Michael Murphy. 
Their route for the capital was to take in the 
towns of Arklow and Wicklow. 

A second division under Father Kearns and 
Father Clinch, as well as Messrs. Fitzgerald, 
Doyle and Redmond, was to attack New Ross, 
and endeavor to hasten the rising in Munster. 

A third division led by Father Philip Roche 
and Bagnal Har\^ey planned a union with 
Carlow, Kilkenny and Kildare. 

The first division proceeded northward on 
the 1st of June with the object of capturing 
Gorey. This town contained a strong force of 
the enemy under General Loftus. The rebels 
w-ere met by a detachment sent out to meet 
them. In an encounter following thev were 
defeated and driven back with a loss of lOO 
killed and wounded. 

Re-enforcements now arriving from various 
quarters to aid the enemy, a united attack was 
planned under Loftus, by which the rebel camp 
on Corrigrua Hill would be forced to sur- 
render. This design was foreseen by the rebels, 
and they made their own arrangements. 



42 IRELAND-S REVOLT IN '98 

A position was taken along the main road 
leading to their former elevated fortifications 
on the hill. Convinced that the enemy would 
surely pass that way in full force they con- 
cealed themselves among the thick growth of 
shrubbery that grew on either side where the 
road ])ends through a narrow valley with deep 
trenches and uneven mounds of earth, offering 
a secure retreat. 

The enemy advancing with solid ranks fell 
into the trap prepared for them, and unsuspect- 
ing anything to impede their progress a sud- 
den volley from the rebel ambush fell among 
the troops with deadly effect. 

The first fire was followed up by a general 
charge from the rebels, who rushed from their 
hiding places and completely overpowered the 
unsuspecting troops. 

The desperate charge was continued all 
along the line. Colonel Walpole fell among 
the first, and hundreds of the common ranks 
lay strewn along the highway. Three guns 
w^ere captured — two six-poimders and one 
howitzer — and used against the routed royal- 
ists, who were now in utter confusion and put 
to flight. A supply of anmiunition and other 
valuable spoils were taken. 

Meanwhile the body of rebels under Fathers 
Kearns and Clinch left their camping ground 
on Vinegar Hill and prepared for the siege of 
Newtownbarry. The royalist garrison here 
was under command of Colonel L'Estrange, 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 43 

and amounted to about 800 regxilars with a 
troop of dragoons and supplied with two bat- 
talion guns. 

On the 2d of June the assault was com- 
menced. The rebels took possession after a 
short but lively conflict. Their success, how- 
ever, they neglected to follow up. Precious 
time was lost while they dispersed for plunder 
or refreshment; and the enemy rallying for a 
fresh encounter, re-entered the town in 
triumph. In this action the rebels lost 400 of 
their men. 



CHAPTER V. 

BATTLES AT NEW ROSS, ARKLOW, AND 
VINEGAR HILL. 

Decisive engagements now followed in rapid 
succession. That at New Ross is the next to 
deserve notice. The leaders of the insurgents 
in this action were Father Roche and Bagenal 
Harvey. The force at their command was con- 
siderable. Some reported it as 20,000 men. 
This is probably an exaggeration. 

However, the town was well fortified and 
presented difficulties rather serious even to this 
large invading army. 

On the 5th of June the conflict began. For 
10 hours the besieged resisted the determined 
charge of the rebels, who at last entered the 
town as victors. The garrison lost one colonel, 
three captains, and 200 among the ranks. The 
loss on the other side was three times that 
number. 

The victory here, however, was spoiled in 
the same way as at Newtownbarrv^ three days 
before. Needing rest and refreshment after 
the prolonged encounter of the forenoon the 
rebels gave an opportunity to the enemy to 
rally their forces and return conquerors into 
the town from which they had been lately ex- 
pelled. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 45 

The insurgents retired in security to their 
camp on Corbet Hill. 

The rebel division that we left victorious at 
Gorey decided to march on Arklow. With 
this object they set out on the 9th of June. As 
the town was situated on the coast it had re- 
ceived new supplies recently from the English 
fleet that had been cruising in the channel for 
some time. 

From Dublin also came additional forces to 
its defence under General Needham. Tlie at- 
tack was expected and a strong barricade was 
constructed on all the main approaches. Yet 
there was nothing in all this to lessen the ardor 
of the rebels to continue their successful 
course. 

The enemy, however, had so many advan- 
tages on their side that bravery and numbers 
could not make up for discipline. 

After an engagement that lasted six hours 
the rebels lost 1,500 of their men and were 
forced to retreat, taking with them a large 
number of wounded. The royalists acknowl- 
ledged the loss of 100 killed, including Captain 
Knox, and about as many wounded. 

In this battle Father Michael Murphy fell 
after bravely leading his men to the charge for 
the third time, 

Tbe scattered rebels were now obliged to 
unite their forces on Vinegar Hill to be able 
to resist the combined armies that arrived from 
different quarters with the intention of striking 
a decisive blow at the rebellion in that countv. 



46 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '1)8 

The prospects had become less hopeful now 
for them. Munster had still remained inactive, 
while the North and West did not engage the 
attention of the new re-enforcements from 
England. 

\'inegar Hill, therefore, was to be the battle- 
field for all Wexford, and a united elTort was 
to be made against such an overwhelming 
force. 

Lord Lake had charge of tiie royalists as 
commander-in-chief. His attack on the rebel 
encampment was fixed for the 20th of June. 
All his available forces were ordered to take up 
commanding positions under six generals, as 
follows : General Dundas arriving from Wick- 
low, was to join Loftus at Carnew; Henry 
Johnson, with Sir James Dufif at Old Ross; 
Sir Charles Asgill was to occupy Gore's bridge 
and Borris. Sir John Moore was to join his 
forces lately landed with Johnson and DufY. 

Part of these arrangements were prevented 
by unexpected encounters with rebel detach- 
ments, but on the appointed day the royal 
troops drawn about the hill were altogether 
about 13,000. The rebel camp contained 20.- 
000. The different columns of the enemy ad- 
vanced up the slopes of the hill on three sides 
and opened a steady fire on the rebels. 

They met with a desperate resistance, which 
was kept up for an hour and a half. At length 
the contest proved unequal. The deadly effect 
of the enemy's guns on different points pro- 
duced a panic. Tlie rebels broke into a disor- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 47 

dcrly flii^ht by the unguarded side of the hill. 
Pursued by the royalist cavalry over the level 
country they were cut down without resistance 
and lost during- the encounter not less than 400 
of their number. 

The loss on the other side was about 200 
killed and wounded. The only leader among 
the rebels to fall here was Father Clinch. Dur- 
ing the retreat he encovmtered Lord Roden, 
W'hom he wounded, but was himself shot down 
by a trooper who came to the rescue of his 
general. 

After this defeat the insurgents dispersed in 
several distinct bands; some by way of Gorev 
towards the Wicklow mountains; others retir- 
ing nearer the coast, or wherever they could 
await in security for new tidings from their 
confederates of Munster, whom they long ex- 
pected to come forward to their aid. 

The town of Wexford surrendered to Lord 
Lake on the 22d, and Father Roche, with 
Harvey, his fellow leader, having lost all hope, 
laid down their arms. Although their surren- 
der was accepted with the condition of clem- 
ency they were executed soon after along with 
many others who yielded to the victors on what 
thev understood to be honorable terms. 
. Of the engagements immediately following 
in this province there were two quite notable 
and of serious embarrassment to the royal 
troops. 

One took place in Wicklow and the other at 
Castlecomer, in the Countv of Kilkennv. 



48 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

The insurgents in the County Wicklow were 
not as strong in numbers as their neghbors of 
Wexford, but they were able to hold in check 
the advances of the king's army much longer 
on account of the character of the country. 

Deep glens and a variety of mountain re- 
treats which abound everywhere furnished 
them with valuable posts of defence. 

They were not wanting in vigorous prep- 
aration when the news spread from other 
scenes of battle. 

Their most noted leaders were the Byrne 
brothers of Ballymanus, with their able com- 
rades, Holt and Hackett. 

On the 25th of June a brief engagement took 
place at Hacketstown that turned out against 
them, but on the 30th they obtained a decided 
victory at Ballyellis, where they were attacked 
by a stong detachment under General Need- 
ham. 

A trap was laid for the enemy similar to that 
near the town of Wexford some days before 
and was equally successful. Needham's army 
was decoyed into a ravine, where a skilful am- 
buscade was set for them by the rebels, who 
fell upon them with a deadly fire. Two offtcers 
were killed along with 60 of the rank. The 
rest fled in disorder to the shelter of their camp. 
Other skirmshes of a similar kind took place 
on the 2d of July, but on the 4th the insurgents 
were surrounded by various detachments of 
the enemy and forced to surrender. 

Father Keams, with Anthony Perry, who 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 49 

had taken part in the battle at Vinegar Hill, 
marched into Kildare to join some confederate 
bands still remaining armed in that section. 
After a futile attempt to reach Athlone they 
were forcefl to seek for safety by dispersing in 
small bodies, and the brave leaders, Father 
Kearns and Mr. Perry were taken prisoners 
and executed. 

Another band of Wexford men led by 
Father John Murphy and Walter Devereux, 
after the Vinegar Hill defeat, proceeded to the 
adjoining County of Kilkenny. They besieged 
Castlecomer and easily took possession of the 
town. After this they advanced toward Athy 
in Kildare. Several divisions of the govern- 
ment troops from the neighboring garrisons 
here stopped their progress, and they returned 
to Old Leighlin. Father Murphy was cap- 
tured and conveyed a pisoner to General Duff's 
headquarters at Tullow. He was tried by a 
military commission and convicted as a very 
dangerous rebel was executed. His body was 
burned and his head spiked on the market 
house of Tullow. 



CHAPTER VI. 

SOME BATTLES IN ULSTER. 

Priends of the revolution had looked to 
Ulster for great things from the beginning. 
It was there that the patriotic spirit first burst 
out, and plans were laid five years before the 
actual outbreak. In no other province were 
the people so well organized. The counties of 
Antrim and Down were especially active. A 
determined effort was in preparation until the 
chief leaders, Thomas Russell and Samuel 
Neilson were imprisoned. A delay of some 
weeks was caused by several unexpected 
movements on the part of the government, 
which now seemed to be aware of everything 
planned in the rebel camps. 

It was decided to capture the town of Antrim 
first as a most favorable centre of operations, 
this point being of easy access to the different 
organizations in Donegal and Down. 

In the absence of the original leaders a 
prominent Belfast cotton manufacturer named 
McCracken volunteered to assume command. 
On the 7th of June the assault was made. Vic- 
tory was on the side of the rebels, and they 
were on the point of entering the town when a 
detachment of the royal forces arrived to aid 
their besieged brethren, and compelled the as- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 51 

sailants to retreat. In tiiis battle about 300 of 
the rebels fell. Of the besieged there were five 
officers and forty-seven of the rank among 
the killed. Some weeks later Mr. McCracken 
and his stafif were arrested and after a trial at 
Belfast were executed. 

On the same day while the battle was fought 
at Antrim another engagement took place at 
Sainttield in the County Down, where the 
rebel force was led by Dr. Jackson. The army 
on the other side was under Colonel Stapleton 
and had to retreat with loss. On the 13th 
Rallinahinch was the scene of a conflict be- 
tween the insurgents under Henry Munro and 
the regular governnient troops led by General 
Nugent. The battle raged with desperation on 
the part of the rebels, who held out with great 
energy; but they were finally defeated. Munro, 
their leader, was captured two days after the 
battle and was executed at his own home in 
Lisburn. 

The actual warfare in the province contin- 
ued only one week. In Munster there was 
hardly any attempt at insurrection during all 
this time-. Only one skirmish occurred near 
the town of Bandon between some imperfectly 
armed peasantry and the Westmeath yeo- 
manry. Neither side claimed any material 
advantage. 



CHAPTER VII. 

AID FROM FRANCE ARRIVES. 

As the aged narrator went on describing 
these stormy events he was Hstened to atten- 
tively by the young inquirers. 

At length they thought a question might be 
asked here without interrupting the course of 
the story. 

"Grandfather," said Felix, "did not the 
French arrive yet to help at the right time?" 

"Not yet," was tlie reply. "They were an- 
xiously looked for since the beginning of May. 
Three months had now passed without any 
tidings from those expected allies. They were 
three months of almost incessant warfare, dur- 
ing which the native insurgents were left to 
their own resources. If assistance had come 
at the appointed time they would certainly 
have driven the whole English army out of 
Ireland." 

Here Tom, the youngest of the listeners, 
thought he might venture to express his 
opinion. 

"I am afraid," said he, with an anxious ex- 
pression on his face, "their guns were not of 
the best make." 

"Indeed they were far from being in good 
condition," was the reply. "They were of the 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 53 

old pattern in use at that time, and, of course, 
we must expect that streaks of rust were very 
common on the best of them. Besides, the 
greater part of those peasant soldiers so has- 
ily taken from their ploughs and domestic oc- 
cupations, had no guns at all, but did their 
lighting with these rude weapons of the coun- 
try called pikes." 

"Pray tell us, grandfather," rejoined Tom, 
what sort of weapon was the pike?" 

"It was somewhat similar to a spear in shape 
and size," replied the aged historian. A stout 
wooden pole finished at the end with an iron 
blade of keen edge and wicked looking point — 
that was the sort of battle ax which did such 
damage to the ranks of the English regulars 
in the hands of our Irish recruits. Of artillery 
equipment, such as cannon and other heavy 
engines of war, the supply was very small. A 
limited number of such guns had been secretly 
brought over from the continent, and a few 
more were captured from the King's regiments 
at various successful raids by the rebels. This 
short supply was of little use against an enemy 
so numerous and completely armed. 

To resume the course of events after the 
Ulster campaign at Ballinahinch our attention 
is called to Connaught. 

This province was well organized from an 
earlv date. Several thousand refugees who 
had" fled here from the North during the 
Oransre oppression of '95, '96 and '97 taught 
the Western people the necessity and the art 
of armed resistance. 



54 IRELANDS REVOLT IN '98 

On the 22d of August the much desired 
news of a French fleet appearing off the coast 
of SHgo spread dehght among the native 
patriots. Three frigates anchored in Kilala 
Bay with i,ooo men and a supply of arms for 
a Hke number, as well as other valuable stores, 
under command of the French General, Hum- 
bert. 

The arrival of the friendly fleet was inspir- 
ing even at this late stage of the conflict. It 
was far from being the powerful force prom- 
ised two years before by the men at the head 
of affairs then in France. 

The neglect to carry out those promise^ on 
the part of the French is explained by the un- 
settled condition of political affairs in the 
French nation at that time. The new republic 
had been established only a few years, and 
complete unity was not yet assured between 
the leaders having control of government. In 
such a state of affairs it became possible for 
General Humbert to fit out this small expedi- 
tion on his own authority in the absence of 
Napoleon with his superior forces in the dis- 
tant Egyptian enterprise. 

The French people as a whole were in sym- 
pathy with the Irish, and were ready to aid 
that people in securing independence just as 
they had so lately helped the Americans to 
throw off the yoke of England. 

But there were jealousies and varied ambi- 
tions among tlie military commanders and 
others placed in authority, so that the ardent 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 55 

wish of the people, inchiding the great body of 
the army, was prevented from being fulfilled. 

Napoleon sadly regretted afterwards his 
great mistake in abandoning the Irish at the 
very moment when everything was favorable 
for the success of their efiforts in the cause of 
freedom. 

In his place of exile at St. Helena he ad- 
mitted the mistake he had made in not allowing 
General Hoche to resume the invasion which 
was commenced at Bantry Bay in the winter 
of '96. In conversation with Barry O'Meara 
on this suibject he said: "Hoche was one of the 
first generals France ever produced. He was 
brave, intelligent, aboundnig in talent, decisive 
and penetrating. Had he landed in Ireland he 
would have succeeded. He was accustomed to 
civil war, had pacified La Vendee, and was 
well adapted for Ireland. If instead of the ex- 
pedition to Egypt I had undertaken that to 
Ireland what could England do now? On such 
chances depend the destinies of Empires!'' 

The landing of the French troops and stores 
at Killala was hastily accomplished. The 
native leaders of the rebel army in that prov- 
ince were prompt in laying before Humbert 
their plans of action. The most distinguished 
among them were Messrs. O'Donnell, Moore, 
Bellew, Barrett. O'Dowd and O'Donnell of 
Mayo, Blake of Galway, and Plunket of Ros- 
common. Three days were spent in distribut- 
ing arms among the new recruits summoned 
hastily from every part of the adjoining coun- 



56 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

ties. Part of the time was given to their in- 
struction and drill in the use of arms. The in- 
habitants of this small seaport town joined 
heartily in all the bustle and enthusiastic 
preparation. 

Never before in their history did they feel 
so distinguished or so sure of future glory 
from the part they were now taking in the 
cause of their country. 

On the fourth day from the landing (Sunday, 
August 26th) the united forces presented an 
imposing and formidable column as their solid 
ranks filed out of the town with banners wav- 
ing and followed by the loud applause of the 
inhabitants. 

Ballina was the first stronghold to be seized. 
The town surrendered without resistance, and 
on the same night the victorious columns 
marched for Castlebar, the county town. The 
arrival of the foreign fleet was now known at 
all the government posts in the country. 

Lord Lake and General Hutchinson had al- 
ready advanced as far as Castlebar, where they 
had about 3,000 men under their command, 
Humbert decided to take the enemy by sur- 
prise. He had been accustomed to the long 
marches and diflficult countr\' of La Vendee, 
and a mountain road over the pass of Barna- 
gee offered him a safe route as he descended 
unexpectedly on the camp of Lake's large 
army. 

On the marcl; the liardy French veterans 
tramped side by side with the columns of 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 57 

native recruits. The former had been some 
years inured to the toils of military life in their 
own revolutionary wars at home, and were 
equally skilful with the athletic Irish peasants, 
whether in vaulting over fences that came in 
their path, or in climbing the steep hillsides, 
in crossing ravines, or jumping mountain 
streams. 

Their sudden appearance on August 27th 
in solid, marching columns within view of the 
enemy's camp caused alarm among Lake's in- 
cautious outposts. 

Humbert drew up his regiments for imme- 
diate action. A prompt and vigorous assault 
commenced. The enemy repelled the attack 
with desperate and deadly firing, but after a 
short conflict were forced into a disorderly re- 
treat They fled in scattered bands — yeomanry 
and regulars — without stopping until they 
reached Tuam. Some continued their hasty 
retreat as far as Athlone, more than 60 miles 
from the scene of action. 

Among the notable incidents of the rebellion 
this hasty flight has been known as "the races" 
in the popular language of the count^^^ 

Among the officers who distinguished them- 
selves in the battle were Mathew Wolf Tone 
and Bartholomew Teeling. Thev accom- 
panied the fleet with Humbert when he set 
out from La Rochelle. Thev had been some 
time in France working with other Irish pat- 
riots in the interest of the insurrection. 



58 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN 'OS 

There was no advantage to be gained by the 
rebels in continuing the pursuit of the fleeing 
enemy beyond the Hmits of the county. 

The spoils left in the hands of the victors 
were of great value. Fourteen British guns 
and five stand of colors were taken. Of the 
losses in the ranks on both sides the royalists 
acknowledged theirs to be as nianw as 350 
men with 18 officers — the French commander 
estimated the killed on his side to be 600 men. 

Although a new body of reinforcements to 
relieve the royalists appeared on the borders of 
the County Galway it was decided to avoid a 
fresh attack until time was taken for delibera- 
tion on the campaign to follow. 

A provisional government was established 
at Castlebear, with Mr. Moore, of Moore Hall, 
as president. Proclamations were addressed 
to the inhabitants at large; commissions were 
issued to raise men, and methods adopted to 
provide for the expenses to be incurred in 
prosecuting the war. 

It was evident that extensive preparations 
would be needed to make the rebel forces equal 
to the coming struggle. 

Battalions from various British headquar- 
ters were advancing toward the camp at Cas- 
tlebear. Sir John Moore and General Hunter 
were marching from Wexford towards the 
Shannon. General Taylor with 2.500 men 
was on his way to Sligo. Colonel Maxwell 
was ordered from Enniskillen to assume com- 
mand at Sligo, while the \'icerov leaving 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 59 

Dublin in person advanced rapidly through 
the midland counties to Kilbeggan. Lake and 
Hutchinson were to muster their scattered 
regiments and be ready for the assault from 
headquarters at Tuam. 

Humbert found himself now with his whole 
army, both native and foreign — -altogether 
about 3,000 men — completely hemmed in on 
every side. His retreat by the sea was also cut 
ofT, for the frigates from which he landed had 
returned to France. 

Tidings were brought to him from Ulster 
and some of the midland counties that several 
large corps of insurgents were anxious to join 
him from their various hiding places, and had 
already started with the hope of effecting a 
union. Besides, it was understood that another 
French squadron had set sail and was soon to 
land on the northern coast. It appeared use- 
less to hazard a battle with the royalist army 
now massed together in such overwhelming 
numbers. 

Within a short distance opposed to him at 
least 30.000 well armed troops in several divi- 
sions, with as many more in reserve and ready 
to be called into action at a day's notice. 

He decided to advance with all his forces to- 
wards Ulster, where the desired relief might 
come to join him. His route was by the less 
frequented roads to Coolaney. a distance of 35 
miles, which he effected in one day. A corns 
of the government militia intercepted him 
h.ere, and turning aside he passed rapidly 



60 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

through Dromahaire, Manorhamilton and 
BalHntra, making for Granard, where he 
learned a formidable body of insurgents had 
made preparations to meet him. 

Ever since his landing at Killala several scat- 
tered bands of native rebels contrived to mus- 
ter in considerable force in the counties of 
Westmeath, Longford, and other counties ad- 
joining. They made heroic efiforts to form a 
junction with the French general and kept 
him informed of their designs by skilful horse- 
men who knew all the secluded bypaths and 
easily evaded the numerous government spies 
on the way. 

When a favorable time arrived this midland 
force assembled from various quarters and 
commenced a hasty march to what they hoped 
to be an important victory for their country. 
They were formidable in numbers, but their 
military equipment consisted of a short supply 
of rifles and the usual home-made pikes. Thev 
were doomed to failure, and never meet their 
French allies. Everything went well on their 
way through Westmeath, but after passing into 
the County Longford on the high road ap- 
proaching the town of Granard a strong body 
of yeomanry came up and brought them to a 
halt. A short skirmish took place and ended 
with a complete victory of the yeomanry. Of 
the rebels a large number fell by the roadside 
killed and wounded. When the contest seemed 
hopeless the greater part fled in different direc- 
tions, many were taken prisoners and led into 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 61 

the town, where, after a short detention in the 
market house, they were dragged to the gibbet 
and the ghastly work of execution went on. 
The rebels taken in actual warfare were the 
first victims, but many others of non-com- 
batant peasantry in the neighborhood were ar- 
rested on suspicion and met the same fate 
without the formality of a trial. The horrors 
here enacted after the battle were never for- 
gotten by the helpless inhabitants. To the 
present day the most vivid traditions survive 
of the wholesale butcheries which were wit- 
nessed in the public streets. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

BATTLE Ol' BALLINAMUC K. 

When Humbert reached the eastern borders 
of Leitrini where it joins the County Long-ford 
he decided to pitch his camp at the small vil- 
lage of Ballinamuck. The reinforcements 
which he sought had not come up. and further 
progress was hazardous. 

On the morning of September 8th, finding 
himself completely surrounded by the govern- 
ment armies that had got on his track, he pre- 
pared to make a last desperate stand. His 
whole force was only one-tenth of that which 
he had to face. The conflict was continued for 
half an hour with deadly effect on both sides. 
It soon proved useless to prolong the battle. 

About 200 of the French having thrown 
down their arms, the remainder surrendered as 
prisoners of war. The rebels received no quar- 
ter at the hands of the victors. From a field of 
battle Ballinamuck was turned into a huge 
slaughter house. While the scaffold was the 
usual method of execution the bayonet was 
frequently employed as well as other still more 
revolting atrocities. Of the leaders Blake, of 
Galway, was among those executed on the 
field. A body of Longford and Kilkenny 
militia, who had joined the rebels, were quickly 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '9S 63 

dispatched. Mr. A'loore ended his brief term 
as president of tlie Provisional Government by 
a sentence of banishment. He died on the ship 
tiiat carried him to exile. 

The gallant sons of France in company with 
Humbert were permitted to travel unarmed to 
their own country. Forlorn and humiliated on 
their homeward journey they felt keenly their 
position and that of their vanquished Irish 
confederates. They were glad, however, to 
get off in safety to the shores of a free country, 
and found some consolation in the prospect of 
future glory in the military enterprises in 
which their nation was then engaged. 

Ireland's western province now completely 
overrun by the English battalions, was given 
up generally to pillage and massacre. All the 
towns that showed any signs of disloyalty met 
the vengeance of the conquerers without pitv. 
When Killala was retaken by them the carnage 
was not confined to rebels in arms. At least 
200 of the peaceful inhabitants were put to the 
sword along with insurgents who offered re- 
sistance. 

We are accustomed to hear of the bloody 
and heartless measures perpetrated in France 
by revolutionists in the wars of La Vendee and 
Ijrittany, But the atrocities committed by the 
royalist army in Ireland during the course of 
the rebellion surpassed everything before 
heard of in the armed conflicts of civilized na- 
tions. 

The candid historian must admit that ex- 



64 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

cesses were committed on both sides. While 
the conflict raged the fierce passion of revenge 
led the rebels to acts of cruelty which in our 
sober judgment we cannot defend and must 
sircerely regret. Under the circumstances, 
however, it could hardly be otherwise. A few 
casoL- of the kind are recorded in the great 
Wexford struggle. But it must be borne in 
mind tiiat the government troops were the firs': 
aggressors, that they continued their atrocities 
for years while the people were noncombat- 
ants, and their acts of brutahty were not the re- 
sult of momentary passion, hut cool delibera- 
tion. 



CHAPTER IX. 

OTHER EXPEDITIONS FROM FRANCE. 

Two additional squadrons bearing French 
allies to aid the insurgents followed soon after 
the disaster at Ballinamuck. 

On the 17th of September a single brig com- 
manded by General Reay and Napper Tandy 
reached Rathlin Island, on the coast of An- 
trim. 

Having learned the fate of Humbert these 
adventurers saw the futility of landing their 
forces, and without delay returned to the 
French port, from which they started to await 
a more favorable chance of success. 

On the 20th a new fleet on the same mes- 
sage of friendly aid to Ireland set out from 
Brest. 

It was commanded by Bompart, and consist- 
ed of one ship of 74 guns, eight frigates, and 
two smaller vessels. Three thousand men em- 
barked on board under General Hardi. The 
indefatigable Theobald Wolfe Tone was 
among the new invaders holding the rank of 
adjutant general. 

On the 1 2th of October, after being delayed 
by storms in the North Atlantic Ocean, the 
fleet appeared ofif the coast of Donegal, direct- 
ing its course towards Lough Swilly. The 



m IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

enemy, however, was close by. An English 
fleet with an equal number of ships had been 
cruising- on the track of the French, and now 
came up ready for conflict. On both sides a 
heavy fire was continued for six hours. The 
French fought at a disadvantage in commenc- 
ing without securing their full forces in line. 
They lost their flagship with two frigates and 
surrendered. Two more were captured the 
following day, and the remainder escaped back 
to France. 



CHAPTER X. 

FATE OF THE LEADERS. 

At the end of the interview in which the fore- 
going events were recounted by our aged his- 
torian the young listeners discussed the subject 
together on their way home with grave and 
thoughtful expression in their countenances, 
and in the very tones of their voice. They 
suspected that the end of the story was near, 
and they agreed that an appropriate question 
to ask next time would be, "What was the fate 
of the principal leaders of the insurrection." 

At their next meeting the old man willingly 
consented to satisfy their wish and review the 
names of the most prominent among the 
patriots with an account of their manner of 
death or their career after the unsuccessful 
struggle for freedom. He therefore resumed 
his story as follows : 

"Among the earliest to fall in battle or by the 
hand of executioners were the gallant Wex- 
fordmen. We will place at the head of the list 
of popular heroes Edmund Kyan. A few days 
after the battle of Vinegar Hill he was arrested 
while secretly paying a visit to his family and 
instantly put to death. His body was weighted 
with heavy stones and thrown into Wexford 
harbor. By favor of the incoming tide a few 
days after it was deposited on the shore close 



68 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

to the dwelling of his father-in-law, and with 
friendly care received a Christian burial. 

Father Michael Murphy fell in the battle of 
Arklow on the 9th of June. 

Father Clinch met his death at Vinegar Hill, 
June 20th. 

Father Philip Roche, with Bagenal Harvey, 
and Kelly of Kilane, after surrendering when 
defeated at Vinegar Hill, were decapitated con- 
trary to the terms agreed to by their victors. 
Their heads were publicly exposed on iron 
spikes above the entrance of Wexford Court 
House for several weeks. 

Father Kearns and Anthony Perry were ex- 
ecuted by martial law at Edenderry after tak- 
ing part in the engagement at Kildare in July. 

Father John Murphy fell in battle in the 
County Carlow towards the end of the same 
month. 

Walter Devereux, the colleague of Father 
Murphy, was arrested in Cork when about to 
sail for America. He was tried and executed. 

Henry John McCracken of Belfast was exe- 
cuted after the battle of Antrim on the 7th of 
]une. 

Henry Munro, another sturdy northern, 
leader, was publicly put to death in his own 
town of Lisburn after the battle of Ballina- 
hinch, June 15th. 

Among those who escaped to France, where 
they afterwards became eminent in various 
professions were Arthur O'Connor, Corbet. 
Allen and Ware. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 69 

Lord Edward Pltzgerald, who held the post 
of commander-in-chief of the insurgent army, 
deserves a more extended notice. 

He was a son of the first Duke of Leinster 
and was born near Dubhn, October 15th, 1763. 
He spent a part of his youth in France, where 
he pursued a course of studies. After return- 
ing to England, and having attained sufficient 
age, he entered the British army. In the 
course of the American revolutionary war his 
regiment was dispatched to take part in that 
memorable conflict. As aide-de-camp to Lord 
Rawden he distinguished himself in several 
engagements. In the latter part of the battle 
of Eutaw Springs he was severely wounded. 
When the English forces were defeated and 
compelled to return home he found an oppor- 
tunity to enter political life, and became a 
member of the Irish House of Commons. Sub- 
sequently he travelled for some time on the 
continent, and on his return rejoined his regi- 
ment, which was then stationed in Canada. 

In 1790 he returned to Ireland. Here he 
was elected a second time a member of the 
Irish parliament. In 1792 he visited Paris, 
where he became associated with the leading 
revolutionists. While in that city he attended 
a banquet given by Englishmen, where he pub- 
licly renounced his hereditary title, and pro- 
posed a toast to the success of the republican 
arms. Soon after he was dismissed from the 
British army. He returned to Ireland, where 
he joined the United Irishmen, of which he 
was made president in 1796. 



70 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Gifted by nature with the quahties which 
mark the distinguished soldier and popular 
hero, he readily gained the affection and confi- 
dence of the patriots. His valor had been tried 
in the American campaigns, while his sym- 
pathy with the people's aspirations was always 
candidly expressed. The example of the 
American heroes valiantly fighting for their 
independence must have attracted his attention 
and won his admiration. During the few years 
spent in France he adopted the republican 
ideas prevalent in that country. At the famous 
Paris banquet where he renounced his family 
titles he manifested a natural nobility of soul 
in his entire disinterestedness, professing no 
ambition but that of serving the public. 

He superintended the efforts of the Irish 
agents to secure assitance from the French na- 
tion. His connection with the insurectionary 
movements was well known to the British 
authorities at an early date, but there was no 
haste made by local officials to issue the war- 
rant for his arrest until everything was fixed 
for the outbreak. He succeeded in eluding the 
officers for two months after the other leaders 
were taken. 

At length, on the 19th of May, he was cap- 
tured after a desperate struggle, in which he 
received serious wounds. He died in prison on 
the 4th of June following. 

"You said,'' broke in Tom, "that he took a 
part in the American war." "Is it possible that 
there were Irish soldiers fighting for England 
asfainst the Americans?" 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 71 

"Of their own free will and inclination I an- 
swer No!" replied the old man. "But, strange 
as it may appear, a body of 4,000 Irish troops 
formed part of the British force sent to put 
down the American colonists." "It happened 
as in many other foolish wars undertaken by 
England. The hapless Irishmen who had been 
entrapped into the ranks of the regular army 
were led to many a battle of which they did 
not approve. 

The sentiments of the Irish people regarding 
this particular war were clearly made known 
to the world in the Irish Parliament when the 
King's demand for troops was under discus- 
sion. 

On November 25th, 1774, this question was 
brought up. The few members in that body 
who honestly represented their country, were 
decidedly opposed to the project and expressed 
their views in the strongest language. 

Ponsonby on this occasion declared: "If we 
give our consent we shall take part against 
America contrary to justice, to prudence, and 
to humanity." 

Fitzgibbons, during the same debate, said: 
"The war is unjust, and Ireland has no reason 
to be a party therein." 

Sir Edward Newenham could not agree to 
send more troops to butcher men who were 
fighting for their liberty." 

George Ogle used the words: "If men must 
be sent to America, send there foreign mer- 
cenaries, not the brave sons of Ireland." 



72 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Hussey Bird condemned the American war 
as "a violation of the law of nations, the law 
of the land, the law of humanity, the law of 
nature ; he would not vote a single sword with- 
out an address recommending conciliatory 
measures; the ministry, if victorious, would 
only establish a right to the harvest when 
they had burned the grain." 

Yet the troops were voted by 121 against J^, 
although the resolution to replace them by 
foreign Protestants was negatived by 68 
against 106. That Parliament was no longer 
a genuine Irish one. It was mainly a creature 
of the English ministers. 

While l^ie question was being agitated the 
merchants of Dublin publicly applauded the 
Earl of EfBngham for "refusing to draw his 
sword against the lives and liberties of his fel- 
low subjects in America." 

In the same month, while the good wishes of 
the Irish people were thus manifested the first 
American Congress sent to Ireland a pledge 
of their unalterable sympathy and their joy 
that their own trials had extorted some mitiga- 
tion of its wrongs.' 

It was impossible to misunderstand the 
warm interest taken by the Irish people in the 
important question agitated among the prom- 
ising nations across the Atlantic. A good pro- 
portion of the colonists were of Irish blood, 
while all were aware of the repeated efforts 
made in the old land to correct the same kind 
of abuses which they were now resisting. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 73 

I'Vanklin. wlio had been the soul of the 
movement for colonial independence, sub- 
mitted to Congress July ist. 1775, an outline 
for confederating the colonies in one nation. 
In his scheme every colony of Great Britain in 
North America, and even Ireland, which was 
still classed with the colonies, w.as invited to 
accede to the union. 

The next among our patriots deserving 
special notice here is Theobald Wolfe Tone. 

He was born in Dublin June 20th, 1763. Hi.s 
education was completed at Trinity College, in 
his native city. After graduating from that 
eminent seat of learning he was called to the 
bar in London in the year 1787. 

He soon became prominent as an advocate 
of liberal political measures. With a view to 
promoting reforms urgently needed in his 
native country he endeavored to unite the 
Catholics of Ireland with the Dissenters of 
England as a means of success in removing 
their grievances. 

His ideas were presented to the public in a 
letter entitled, "An argument on behalf of the 
Catholics of Ireland." It was published in 
1791. In this year also he took part in found- 
ing the society of ''United Irishmen'' in Bel- 
fast. In 1792 he was reported to the govern- 
ment as holding treasonable negotiations with 
the French. 

Fearing arrest he fled to the United States 
in 1795, and sailed from that country for 
France in January, '96. By his exertions a 



74 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

French fleet was equipped to aid in the Irish 
insurrection. This he accompanied, holding 
the rank of adjutant-g-eneral to Hoche, who 
was its commander. The invasion undertaken 
in December of the same year ended in faihire 
on account of severe storms encountered at the 
entrance to Bantry Bay. Returning to France, 
he continued in mihtary service for the two 
years following. In September, "98, a second 
squadron was organized through him for the 
assistance of his countrymen. PJolding his 
former position in this armament he was inter- 
cepted on the coast of Donegal by an English 
fleet. In the encounter that followed he was 
defeated. Here he was taken prisoner and 
brought to Dublin, where, after a trial by 
courtmartial, he was sentenced to be hanged 
on November 12. While in prison he was 
overwhelmed by excessive despondency and 
caused his own death the day preceding that 
set for his execution. 

His life, written by himself, including his 
political writings, was published subsequently 
by his son, William Theobald. The latter be- 
came a distinguished soldier in the French 
army. After the fall of Xapoleon he went to 
the United States and continued the military 
profession under the flag of his adopted coun- 
try. 

One of the most distinguished of the leaders 
was Thomas Addis Emmet. He was born in 
Cork April 24th, 1764. Having graduated at 
Trinitv College. Dublin, he pursued a course 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 75 

of medicine at the University of Edinburgh. 
Having visited the celebrated schools of the 
continent and selected the legal profession, a 
two years course was added at the Temple in 
London. He w-as acimitted to the bar in 1791. 
His earnest devotion to all liberal projects in 
behalf of his native country brought him into 
universal popularity. In '96 he became asso- 
ciated with the organizers of the rebellion. 
Along with Arthur O'Connor, Dr. McNevin, 
a Dublin physician ,and Lord Edward Fitz- 
gerald, he acted as executive director of the 
"United Irishmen.'' 

On the information conveyed to govern- 
ment by a traitor named Thomas Reynolds, 
he was arrested on the 12th of March, '98, at 
his own house in Dublin. In July following, 
while in prison with other leaders on the same 
charge, it was agreed, at the suggestion of 
Samuel Neilson, to reveal the general secrets 
of their system, without inculpating individ- 
uals, on condition of gaining their liberty. 
Permisson to exile themselves to any country 
not at war with England was hereby granted. 

The patriotic prisoners when giving the de- 
sired evidence before the committee of parlia- 
ment, took occasion to justify the revolt of the 
country by their earnest denunciation of the 
glaring abuses sanctioned by the ministers. 
Instead of immediate liberation their term of 
imprisonment was prolonged for three more 
years. This latter period w^as spent by Emmet 
at Fort George in the Highlands of Scotland. 



76 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN' '98 

Under the kind hearted Colonel Stuart, who 
was then governor of the prison, our noble 
convict was allowed some unusual privileges. 
The gallant Scotch general relaxed the severit)- 
of ordinary prison life and treated him with 
the consideration due to his rank and accomp- 
lishments. 

In 1802, after the treaty of Amiens, he was 
liberated on condition that he should settle in 
a foreign country and never attempt to return 
to his own. In company with his wife, who 
was granted the same permission on the same 
terms, he withdrew to France, 

In the city of Brussels, where he had occa- 
sion to pass on his journey, he met his brother, 
Robert, who was also an exile, and engaged in 
the patriotic projects for which he afterwards 
became famous. 

In 1804 Thomas Addis proceeded to the 
United States, of which he became a devoted 
citizen. He entered here on the profession of 
law, and soon attained eminence duly ac- 
knowledged by all classes. 

His ability and integrity were attested by his 
appointment to the office of Attorney General 
of the State of New York in 1812. 

His death occurred on November 14th, 
1827, at his home in New York City. In the 
cemetery of St. Paul's on Broadway, lie his 
ashes: and the handsome monument con- 
spicuous to the multitudes passing daily on 
that thoroughfare tells of the universal esteem 
he enioved anion"' his fellow citizens. His 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 77 

descendants are numerous and inherit his abili- 
ties, while holding- the highest rank in ihe 
social life of the great city where talent and 
worth never fail to be recognized. 

While the virtues of the parent are continued 
in the children, that of patriotism is not want- 
ing. Worthy sons of the honored exile are 
ready to promote by voice, and pen, and 
treasure the prosperity of the old land. 

The best interests of a country for which 
so much blood was shed will not want for 
friends while the kindred of martyred patriots 
find a favorable moment for tendering their 
services. 

The name of Robert Emmet, brother of the 
foregoing, should not be passed over while re- 
viewing the prominent leaders of this period 
in Ireland. Although the agitation of which 
he was promoter, took place four years later 
than that of '98, yet he took an active part in 
both risings. 

He was born in Dublin in the year 1780. 
Trinity College was the scene of his devotion 
to study, of his remarkable talents, and literarv 
honors won among a group of fellow students 
all notably brilliant. 

His ardent patriotism was manifested with- 
out reserve, and as an advocate of republican 
principles he came under censure of the col- 
lege authorities. In the course of the pohtical 
troubles of '98 he was dismissed from the in- 
stitution wnth nineteen others suspected of 
similar liberal views. 



78 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 

When other leaders of the insurrection were 
arrested he was obhged to fly from the coun- 
try, as he was equally implicated in their treas- 
onable projects. 

He escaped to France, where he remained 
until the armed revolt was quieted at home. 
But he was not there to be idle. Several other 
refugees joined him with untiring persistency 
in appeals to Napoleon for a sufficient invad- 
ing force to aid their countrymen. This proud 
general, wdio was then First Consul of France 
and in absolute control of the military, entered 
seriously into negotiation with the exiles and 
kept them in hope. He intimated that a new 
war was soon to be declared against England, 
This would be their opportunity. They were 
encouraged to form a legion composed of all 
the exiles then in the country under command 
of Tone's trusty aide-de-camp, McSheehey, 
while Thomas Addis Emmet and Arthur 
O'Connor w-ere to remain at Paris as pleni- 
potentiaries of their nation. He even went so 
far as to suggest the colors and the motto un- 
der w^hich they were to fight when once landed 
on their native soil. The flag, on a tricolor 
ground, w^as to have a green centre bearing 
the letters: R. I.— Republique Irlandaise. 
Their legend was to be "L'independence de 
ITrlande" — "Liberte de Conscience." 

It was his suggestion also to form an Irish 
committee at Paris, and to prepare statements 
of Irish grievances for the "Moniteur," and the 
semi-oflficial papers. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 79 

Assured of Napoleon's good will for the 
Irish cause, and cheered by his repeated prom- 
ises of aid, Robert Emmet secretly returned 
to Dublin in October, 1802, determined to re- 
establish in some degree the old organization 
of the United Irishmen. 

In May, 1803, hardly a year after the procla- 
mation of the peace of Amiens, the new war 
was declared between England and France. 

Emmet now went about his work with ener- 
gy and enthusiasm. Many kindred spirits 
shared in his views and seconded his efforts. 
Trusty emissaries were despatched to the dif- 
ferent counties to wake up new ambition 
among the disheartened peasantry. His chief 
confidants were Thomas Russell and Mathew 
Dowdall, formerly prisoners at Fort George, 
but now permitted to return. James Hope of 
Templepatrick. was a ready co-worker, and 
Michael Dwyer, the former leader of Wicklow 
rebels, still surviving, uncaptured since '98, 
gave valuable assistance. Mr. Long, a Dub- 
lin merchant, furnished the sum of £1,400 to 
be used in purchasing war supplies. To this 
amount of treasure. Robert himself added 
£1,500 of his own private income. Depots of 
powder and arms were established in various 
parts of the city of Dublin and iw the prov- 
inces north and west. 

Favorable reports were received from many 
parts of the country. At least nineteen coun- 
ties were prepared to rise as soon as the signal 
was given from Dublin. Robert's immediate 



80 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

scheme was to seize the Castle and arsenals 
and take possession of the city. 

On the 23d of July he had mustered together 
a considerable body of insurgents hastily 
drilled and supplied with arms. 

Under his leadership they marched through 
several streets with much display and evident 
warlike intentions. Chief Justice Kilwarden, 
whom they met driving in his carriage, was at- 
tacked and cruelly murdered. Tliis was the 
only bloodshed permitted on that day. The 
regular troops from the various garrisons were 
promptly on the scene and dispersed the armed 
multitude. 

Robert succeeded in escaping to the County 
Wicklow, where he remained concealed for 
some time, taking measures to notify other in- 
tending insurgents of his own failure and ad- 
vising a postponement of their revolt for a 
more favorable season. 

Of his associates in this enterprise fallen into 
the hands of the government officers Thomas 
Russell was executed at Downpatrick, while 
Kearney. Roche, Redmond and Howley w'ere 
hanged in Dublin. 

Many were imprisoned for different periods, 
and a few escaped to France. 

Although facilities for leaving the country 
in safety were offered by friends, Robert could 
not be persuaded to depart without paying a 
visit to his lover. Miss Curran. Aware of the 
great risk in the journey he called back to the 
city for the desired farewell interview, was 
tracked and arrested. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 81 

After a public trial he was convicted of high 
treason and hanged on the 20th of September, 
1803. 

Of Robert Emmet's popularity among his 
countr}'men and the admiration in which he 
was regarded for natural nobility of character 
we need only quote as proof the words of 
Thomas Moore, one of his college companions. 

This friend said of him that of all his ac- 
quaintances no other possessed "in the greatest 
degree moral worth combined with intellectual 
power." 

The famous speech which he delivered at his 
trial is admitted to be a model of pathetic elo- 
quence never surpassed in any language. 

At the many trials of political prisoners 
charged with treason for taking part in the in- 
surrection there was one man who bore a con- 
spicuous part and should be mentioned here. 
He was John Philpot Curran, the matchless 
orator and fearless advocate of patriots. 

For his extraordinary gifts of oratory he de- 
serves a place among the most eminent public 
men worthy of record in his country's history. 

For his disinterested services in the defence 
of men for whom no clemency could be ex- 
pected before the courts such as then existed 
in Ireland, his name is venerated by his coun- 
trymen as one of their greatest heroes. 

He himself was not a rebel. He deplored 
the rashness of the young patriots and would 
have dissuaded them from an enterprise that 
he knew to be premature and hopeless. But 



82 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '08 

he knew their motives. He knew the humiliat- 
ing and degraded condition of the people with 
the intolerable abuses under which they 
groaned and were driven to madness or de- 
spair. If he could not approve of their meth- 
ods employed to right their wrongs, he was 
still aware that they had wrongs and abundant 
cause for attempting strong measures to save 
their country from a corrupt system of govern- 
ment. 

In pleading their cause before a court that 
had all outward forms of an enlightened trib- 
unal he hoped for no mitigation of the sentence 
expected from a jury wdiose mind was already 
m.ade up. 

^Never was an advocate more intensely an- 
xious to save his clients. His soul seemed to 
reflect in itself the sorrows of his prostraite 
people, and even with certainty of failure he 
may have sought consolation in giving vent to 
his anguish while vehemently denouncing a 
nation's wrongs before the impartial world for 
an audience. 

The tow'n of Newmarket, in the County 
Cork, was his birthplace. 

From the date of his birth. July 24th, 1750. 
till the day of his death, October 14, 1817, there 
intervened an epoch of more melancholy as- 
pect than any other of equal length in the poli- 
tical history of Ireland. 

The whole machinery of government pre- 
sented a horrid spectre of bribery and deceit. 
The ministry, the bench, the magistracy, rep- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 83 

resented the most shameless rapacity and big- 
otry. The feeling-s of humanity were bhinted, 
conscience was bUnd, pity was deaf, but ven- 
geance was all alive and all awake. Law was 
a dead letter, trial by jury was "a delusion, a 
mockery, and a snare." 

Anyone who reads the records of those times 
will learn how universal was then in Ireland 
the reign of terror. 

The Marquis of Cornwallis, Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, at the close of the insurrec- 
tion, says that the executions of ordinary 
courts or courts martial, were nothing com- 
pared with the butcheries and burnings com- 
mitted by armed and licensed murderers, who 
were as much detested by the humane among 
the rulers as they were monstrous and merci- 
less to the people. In such a condition of 
things Curran had to stand almost alone. He 
had to speak for the speechless, when words 
for the accused were almost accounted crimes, 
and he' had to take the side of the doomed 
when the rancour of party spirit often con- 
founded the advocate with the client. 

Curran, in 1794, while defending Dr. Dren- 
nan, who w-as prosecuted for a seditious libel, 
says in the course of his speech: "I have been 
parading through the capital, and I feel that 
the night of unenlightened wretchedness is fast 
approaching, when a man shall be judged be- 
fore he is tried, when the advocate shall be lib- 
elled for discharging his duty to his client — 
that night of human nature, when a man shall 



84 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN •98 

be hunted down, not because he is a criminal, 
but because he is obnoxious." 

In most of the state trials the law and the 
evidence were fearfully against Curran; and 
if they were not, packed and prejudiced juries 
were sure to be. This last circumstance seems 
to have caused him the severest labor and the 
sorest distress. The struggles of his genius 
when dealing with such juries suggest to us the 
struggle of a noble gladiator with beasts in 
the Roman circus. The gladiator knows that 
the beasts will kill him. but none the less he 
maintains his manhood to the last. 

Curran, in the trials of 1798 encountered all 
sorts of dangers. He was hooted by the armed 
yeomanry, persecuted with anonymous letters, 
hated most heartily by ofificials and their slaves, 
by men made savage and cruel by their pas- 
sions and their fears. 

In the course of his profesional career he 
fought four duels. His first was with the Hon. 
Mr. St. Leger, brother to Lord Doneraile; the 
second with John Fitzgibbon, the Attorney- 
General for Ireland; the third, with Major 
Hobart, the Irish Secretary of State; the 
fourth, with a lawyer named Egan. The age 
he lived in was that of the pistol. Being also 
an age of political corruption he could not es- 
cape heated conflicts in the exercise of his pro- 
fession. Being entirely fearless he persisted in 
the face of the most bitter hostility. 

The power of his eloquence lay in his ferv^id 
appeals to the eternal laws of truth, of justice 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 85 

and of right implanted in human nature as 
long as that nature is not entirely depraved. 
His imagination, vivid and versatile, and his 
passion kindled by earnest conviction, aided 
his arguments to strike with telling force. 

He used with adroitness the shafts of sar- 
casm and irony, and turned his antagonist into 
ridicule as the occasion demanded. He was 
fierce in his threats and denunciations and 
scornful reproaches against base motives, and 
again he could appeal to the tender emotions 
with a pathos that seldom failed to evoke 
tears even in an audience hostile to him. 

When failing health made the duties of pub- 
lic office irksome he resigned the dignity of 
chancery judge, which he held from 1806, and 
sought repose in his cjuiet home at Brompton, 
near I>ondon. Here he died, having reached 
the age of sixty-seven years. No man ever 
carried to the grave a public reputation more 
free from blemish. His remains, after occupy- 
mg a grave in London for 20 years, were 
transferred to Glasnevin Cemetery, near Dub- 
lin, where they now finally repose. 

His countrymen in thus providing him with 
a tomb in their midst, gratify their deep affec- 
tion for the man and fulfil the words he had 
uttered long before: "The last duties will be 
paid by that country on which they are de- 
volved; nor will it be for charity that a little 
earth will be given to my bones. Tenderly 
will those duties be paid, as the debt of well- 
earned affection . and of gratitude not ashamed 
of her tears." 



CHAPTER XL 

PROMINENT STATESMEN OF THE TIME. 

A brief sketch of the men who held the 
highest government positions in Ireland dur- 
ing the period under consideration will have 
some interest. 

Before noticing the ministers of the King in 
their disgraceful administration of Irish afifairs 
we will first take a glance at the King himself. 

George III., who reigned from 1760 to 1810, 
a period of fifty years, presents a fair sample 
of the arrogant ruler and politician of his time. 
There is nothing found of a successful feature 
in his whole reign except its great length. 
Political failures and humiliations were num- 
erous, and to his obstinacy and extravagant 
royal pretentions the cause is attributed. 

For a portion of his unlucky reign he had 
to be restrained as a lunatic and he ended his 
life in the same condition. His best friends 
would admit that his head was never well bal- 
anced. No wonder if his highest officials were 
guilty of blunders. There seemed to be in his 
day an epidemic of mismanagement as well as 
corruption among those in high places. In 
recording the character of the King we trace 
the follies of the officials who carried out his 
hated policy both at home and in the British 
colonies. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN "OS 87 

If the Irish people were asked to explain 
their grievances during- the reign of George 
III. they might only repeat the complaint of 
the American colonists made to the world on 
July 4th, 1776. The language used by Jefifer- 
son in the immortal document, "The Declara- 
tion of Independence," ratified by the Con- 
gress of the I'nited States, could be applied as 
if a congress of Irishmen were speaking. 

Let us select a few of the many charges 
therein made against that detested monarch. 
In his first draft of that declaration Jefiferson 
had written the following as charges against 
the King. 

"He has waged war against human nature 
itself, violating its most sacred rights of life 
and liberty in the persons of a distant people 
who never offended him, captivating them and 
carrying them into slavery in another hemis- 
phere, or to incur miserable death in their 
transportation thither. 

"Tliis piratical warfare, the opprobium of 
infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian 
King of Great Britain." . . . He con- 
tinues more of the charges thus: "The history 
of the present King of Great Britain is a his- 
tory of repeated injuries and usurpations, all 
having in direct object, the establishment of 

absolute tyranny over those States 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws 
of immediate and pressing importance, unless 
suspended in their operation till his assent 
should be obtained, and when so suspended, 
he has utterly neglected to attend to them." 



88 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

He has refused to pass other laws for the 
accommodation of large districts of people, 
unless those people would relinquish the right 
of representation in legislature — a right in- 
estimable to them, and formidable to tyrants 
only 

"He has endeavored to prevent the popula- 
tion of these States; for that purpose abstain- 
ing the laws of naturalization of foreigners, 
refusing to pass others to encourage their mi- 
gration hither, and raising the conditions of 
new appropriations of lands." 

"He has erected a multitude of new offices, 
and sent hither swarms of officers to harass 
our people and eat out their subsistence. 

"He has kept among us in time of peace 
standing armies without the consent of our 
legislature. 

"He has afifected to render the military in- 
dependent of, and superior to, the civil power. 

giving his assent to their (the 

Lords and Commons) acts of pretended legis- 
lature; for quartering large bodies of armed 
troops among us ; for protecting them by mock- 
trial from pvmishment for any murders which 
thev should commit on the inhabitants of these 
States; for cutting off our trade with all parts 
of the world ; for imposing taxes on us without 
our consent, etc. 

"He is at this time transporting large armies 
of foreign mercenaries to complete the work 
of death, desolation, and tyranny, already be- 
gun, with circumstances of crvielty and perfi- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 89 

dy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous 
ag-es, and totally unworthy the head of a civil- 
ized nation He has excited do- 
mestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- 
deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our 
frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose 
known ride of warfare is an undistinguished 
destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions." 

"In every stage of these oppressions we have 
petitioned for redress, in most humble terms; 
our repeated petitions have been answered 
only by repeated injuries. A prince whose 
character is thus marked by every act which 
may define a tyrant, is unfit to be ruler of 
a free people." 

Manv of the national disasters which hum- 
bled the pride of Britain in George's reign 
might have been averted if his arbitrary med- 
dling in affairs of state could have been pre- 
vented. 

The repeated demand of the Irish Catholics 
for their civil rights were neglected chiefly 
through his decided opposition. Indeed every 
attempt at reforming old abuses or introduc- 
ing liberal measures in administration were 
thwarted at the hands of this self-willed and 
arbitrary tyrant. 

His first symptoms of insanity betrayed 
themselves in 1758. In the spring of 1775 the 
patience of the Americans was exhausted, and 
they declared war with England. 

The defeat and surrender of Burgoyne's 
arniv followed in ^yj. To add to the dishonor 



90 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

of England in this war the King's persistent 
poHcy of recruiting as many as possible of the 
American Indians to fight against the colonists 
was carried out. Mercenary^ troops from the 
German states of Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick 
were imported at great expense for the same 
purpose. 

A new war with 1^'rance began in the follow- 
ing year. 

The final expulsion after capitulation of the 
English army under Cornwallis brought a 
fresh humiliation to Great Britain in 1782. 

Then came the Irish revolt in '98, while in 
the same year England was engaged in an- 
other sanguinary war with the French army 
under Napoleon in the famous Egyptian cam- 
paign. 

In 1809 a Jubilee celebration was observed 
in England in honor of the King's reign of 50 
years. But in truth the British nation had not 
much cause for rejoicing, for almost the whole 
continent of Europe was just then under the 
rule of France. The King's malady returned 
in 1 810. New disputes arose with the United 
States which threatened to add new disasters 
to the gloom and popular discontent prevail- 
ing at home. 

When George ceased to be King at his re- 
lapse into insanity and was removed by death 
nine years later many others among his sub- 
jects were glad as well as the people of Ireland. 

The English statesmen deputed by George 
III. as Lord Lieutenants of Ireland were sel- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 91 

dom of a character to conciliate the disaffected 
inhabitants. 

When any of them happened to show too 
much honesty in administration to suit the 
rapacious horde of minor offtcials and place- 
hunters he soon fell under their m'alignant 
censures, was reported to the royal advisers, 
as incompetent for the exig-encies of his post 
of duty, and was consequently recalled. 

An example of this rare quality of honest 
purpose in a A^iceroy to Ireland we find in 
I.ord Fitzwilliam. 

His short administration of three months 
had won him the affections of the city oi Dub- 
lin, so that at his departure a popular demon- 
stration was made of their feelings of respect 
and gratitude. 

Thus the people proved that it was the ar- 
rogance and the rapacity of their rulers, and 
not the men themselves which embittered their 
minds and fostered disloyalty, whilst the 
slightest prospect of redress for their wrongs 
or gracious treatment secured their confidence. 
As successor to Fitzwilliam Lord Camden 
was sent over in T^Iarch, '95. He continued in 
the A^iceregal ol^ce until June 21st. '98, and on 
account of the part he played in relation to the 
Irish rebellion his name may be allowed a place 
here. 

Born in Devonshire in 17 14, he was known 
by his family name as Charles Pratt. His edu- 
cation was obtained at Eton and Cambridge. 
As a profession he selected law and com- 



92 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 

menced its practice in 1738. His abilities rec- 
ommended him for advancement in public life. 
His first appointment of distinction was as 
Attorney General, to which honor was added 
the title of Knight in 1757. On the accession 
of George III| in 1760 he was made Chief Jus- 
tice of the Court of Common Pleas. In 1765 
he was raised to the peerage under the name of 
Baron Camden. 

The following year ('66) he was still further 
promoted by obtaining the post of Lord Chan- 
cellor. On May 13th, 1786, he was created 
Earl Camden. During the parliamentary de- 
bates on colonial matters he distinguished him- 
self by advocating the rights of the Americans. 

From the date of his arrival as Viceroy in 
'95 the Irish parliament relapsed into its old 
degenerate habits. In the House of Commons 
Grattan remained with a few of his liberal col- 
leagues making a last effort at reforms. 

The emancipation of the Catholics, repeat- 
edly brought by him before the house, was 
rejected by a majority of ten to one. Instead 
of conciliatory measures there were several 
acts of coercion passed. Among them was the 
Insurrection Act, giving power to the magis- 
trates of any county to proclaim martial law; 
the Riot Act, giving authority to disperse any 
number of persons by force of arms without 
notice; Suspension of the habeas corpus, &c. 

The few patriotic members, now seeing 
their efforts useless and that parliament had 
become a mere tool in the hands of the op- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 93 

pressors of their country, decided to withdraw, 
formally and openly from further attendance 
on the House of Commons. Along- with Grat- 
tan in this resolution were George Ponsonby, 
Curran. Hardy, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, 
Lord Henry Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor and 
others. 

Grattan's solemn admonition on this occa- 
sion ended with these affecting words: "We 
have offered you our measure — you will reject 
it; we deprecate yours — you will persevere; 
having- no hopes left to persuade or to dis- 
suade, and having- discharged our duty, we 
shall trouble you no more, and after this day 
shall not attend the House of Commons.'' 

In a letter to Castlereagh in '93 Lord Cam- 
den betrayed the English policy of goading 
the Irish people into insurrection in order to 
deprive them of their liberties. He faithfully 
carried out the instructions that he received 
from the King-, at his appointment, "to support 
the old Eng-lish interest as well as the Pro- 
testant religion." He was responsible also for 
the "quartering- of the soldiers among the 
peasantry and all the horrors following" from 
such practices. 

A brave and fair minded Scotch general, 
Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who was in command 
of the military forces, resigned his post in dis- 
gust at the atrocious conduct of the magistracv 
and military officers in dealing with the de- 
fenseless people. Camden accepted his resig- 
nation and allowed the abuses to continue with 
Lord Lake holding temporary command. 



04 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Lord Cornwallis was appointed Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland to succeed Camden June 
2 1 St, '98. He was sent with the two-fold 
authorit}' of civil and military service. His 
reputation as a British general was long estab- 
lished both in his own country and abroad. 
He was born December 31st, 1738. At the 
famous English seats of learning, Eton and 
Cambridge, he received his education. 

He entered the army at an early age, and 
had ample opportunity to exercise his military 
abilities in the various campaigns which occu- 
pied England at that period. In the seven 
years' war he did great service under Lord 
Granby, and was honored with the peerage 
in 1762. 

As a statesman he showed some liberal ten- 
dencies in opposing the measures which led to 
the American war. 

Although disapproving the British policy of 
provoking the colonies to resistance he had to 
engage in the armed conflict when war was 
declared. With his regiment he accompanied 
the fleet that was despatched to reinforce the 
forces under Howe and Clinton in their cam- 
paigns against the American insurgents. He 
held the post of major-general while planning 
assaults on the enemy in New Jersey, and com- 
manded the detachment that took possession 
of Philadelphia September 24th, 1777. The 
siege of Charleston in 1780 was conducted by 
him. After its capture he continued in com- 
mand of about 4,000 troops to control the dis- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 95 

affected of South Carolina. He gained a vic- 
tory over Gates at Camden August i6th, 1780, 
and a second over Greene at Guilford INIarch 
15th, 1781. 

After this he met various reverses, and at 
Yorktown, being unable to escape by sea, he 
shut himself up behind strong intrenchments 
to repel the enemy. Here he was surorunded 
by the Americans, combined with the French 
fleet recently arrived as allies. After some 
show of resistance he was forced to surrender 
with his whole force October 19th, 1781. 

This event put an end to the w^ar. It led to 
the change in the English ministry and the 
recognition of American independence. 

Having returned with his reg-iment to Eng- 
land he was despatched to new scenes of war- 
fare in India, and in 1786 was appointed gov- 
ernor general and commander-in-chief of the 
English army in Beng-al. 

Recalled to England, his services were rec-^ 
ognized by other marks of royal favor, and in* 
'98 he was selected for the position of Vicerov 
in Ireland. The insurrection was at its height 
on his arrival. His instructions were similar 
to those given to Camden — to bring about the 
abolition of the Irish parliament while thor- 
oughly subduing the insurgents. He assumed 
the task with zeal, using all the authority and 
resources at his command to completelv dis- 
arm the people. With the powerful reinforce- 
ments of military then distributed in every sec- 
tion of the country, an experienced general as 



96 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

he was could not claim great merit for bring- 
ing the rebellion to a close. 

It is but just to acknowledge that his ad- 
ministration was marked by efiforts on his part 
to repress the excesses of the Orange party 
and lessen the brutal conduct of the military 
officials that had long distracted the inhab- 
itants under his predecessors. 

He continued as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 
attending diligently to state affairs, and winn- 
ing the favor of the royal master for two years 
after the rebellion was suppressed. He had 
the distinction of presiding at the successful 
scheme of union between Ireland and Great 
Britain in 1800. His resignation of the office 
was handed to the King in 1801. The next 
service to his country performed by him was 
the ratification of the peace of Amiens, for 
which he was deputed to France as plenipoten- 
tiary in 1802. 

Lastly his military abilities marked him out 
for a second appointment as general in India. 
Arriving in Calcutta to resume that important 
part of duty in 1805. death put an end to his 
career. 

Another notorious figure during the period 
of Irish revolt was Lord Castlereagh. In the 
beginning of '98 he became Chief Secretary 
of Ireland, and to him is due the most dis- 
reputable part of government intrigues both to 
provoke the country into rebellion and after- 
wards to abolish the Irish parliament. It is not 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 97 

in approval of any acts of his public life, as far 
as they related to Ireland, that a sketch of his 
career finds a place here. We merely put him 
on record as a curiosity of human degradation 
and depravity detested by his countrymen, 
whether co-temporaries with him or who have 
lived since to recall his memory. 

His family name was Robert Stewart, and 
his civil titles borne during his political career 
was Marquis and Viscount of Londonderry. 

He was born at the family seat of Mount 
Stewart, County Down, Ireland, June i8th, 
1769. In his youth he attended the grammar 
school at Armagh and completed his education 
at Cambridge University. 

Early in life he had ambition for political 
honors, and in 1789 he succeeded in being 
elected to the Irish parliament as a member for 
the County Down. 

In the sharp contest at that election his 
family was said to have spent the large sum of 
£25,000; such was the method of securing 
votes among the aristocracy of that period. In 
1794 he was returned to the British House of 
Commons, and again in '96 secured a seat as 
member for Oxford. 

Relinquishing his honors in the English 
parliament, he secured re-election for the 
County Down in Ireland, and was appointed 
Keeper of the Privy Seal. 

Appointed Chief Secretary to Lord Com- 
wallis in '98, he was chief adviser in the repres- 



98 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN' '98 

sive policy of the Castle, and actively encour- 
ag-ecl the abuses among- the military magis- 
trates. 

After the Union was accomplislied he re- 
tired to England, entering the first Imperial 
Parliament both for 1801 and 1802. Various 
positions of honor were conferred upon him 
from this time forward, such as Privy Council- 
lor of Great Britain, and President of the 
Board of Control, Secretary of War for the 
Colonies, &c. 

In 1809, after encountering much political 
opposition and taking part in heated debates 
on public affairs he fell under bitter censure 
on account of a foolish expedition to Walch- 
eren that ended in disgraceful failure. 

From 1812 to 1820 he held a seat in parlia- 
ment for his native County Down. His sup- 
port of George IV. in his efforts to get rid of 
Queen Caroline, and his repeated opposition to 
popular measures increased the general feel- 
ings of contempt with which he was regarded 
by all except the narrow circle around the 
throne. He fell into a state of melancholy at 
his country seat in Kent. England, and cut his 
throat with a penknife, thus finding a miser- 
able death August 12th, 1822. 

Charles James 1^'ox was an English states- 
man and orator who had a notable influence 
in public affairs during the period in which he 
lived. He was born in London January 24th, 
1749. On his mother's side he was a descend- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 99 

ant of Charles 11. and Henry IV. of France. 
From Eton, where his studies commenced, he 
went to Oxford in 1764, and there made a bril- 
Hant record for superior natural gifts. From 
the University he went to the continent to 
gratify his literary tastes, where he found 
ample opportunities. Returning to England, 
he entered a parliamentary career in which his 
influence was exercised for the introduction of 
liberal principles. 

He foretold the defeat of the British arms in 
America after making a vigorous plea in behalf 
of the colonists. 

In 1782 he was made Secretary for Foreign 
Afifairs, and undertook to secure peace with 
the hostile powers and the recognition of the 
Independence of the United States. Parlia- 
mentar}' reform was earnestly advocated b}' 
him in conjunction with Pitt, who was minis- 
ter at that time. 

Concessions to Ireland he also insisted on 
with his usual eloquence. In 1788 he joined 
Burke and Windham in opening the impeach- 
ment of Warren Hastings for his Indian bar- 
barities. 

In 1797 he retired from the active debates 
of Parliament on account of the overwhelming 
majority opposed to every motion for reform. 

In 1798 he was put ofif the list of Privy Coun- 
cillors for having repeated the Duke of Nor- 
folk toast: "To the majesty of the people." 

By his efforts in the House of Commons he 
secured a vote for the abolition of the slave 
trade, and negotiated the peace with France. 



100 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

With generous purpose he labored with Wil- 
berforce and Burke to further every project in 
the cause of humanity. 

To his influence are due the various meas- 
ures of reform in the constitution, which have 
finally been adopted. 

Ireland's grievances as well as those of the 
American colonists, were painted in their true 
colors in his fervid appeals to his countrymen. 

Mackintosh says of him: "He certainly pos- 
sessed above all moderns that union of reason, 
simplicity, and vehemence which formed the 
prince of orators. He was the most Demos- 
thenian speaker since Demosthenes." 

To review the career of such a man is a 
work most gratifying to the historian, who too 
often has the repulsive task of tracing charac- 
ters of an ignoble type. 

In Fox's day corruption among politicians 
and men in places of public trust was the gen- 
eral rule, and it required a courage more tlian 
ordinary to stand forth as the champion of 
popular rights or any liberal measures. Fox 
had a soul far above all petty considerations of 
self-interest. His character may be summed 
up as follows: He was thoroughly disinter- 
ested, and sought only the honor of his coun- 
try and the greatest good of humanity. He 
died at Chiswick September 13th, 1806. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE UNION OF IRELAND WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 

To rob Ireland of her parliament was the 
purpose of George III. and his ministers in 
provoking the Irish people into armed rebel- 
lion. That object was accomplished in the 
second year after the revolt was suppressed. 

Of course it was said that the Irish gave up 
their parliament willingly by a regular vote of 
their representatives in the House of Com- 
mons at their own capital. To say so would 
be far from the truth. The measure was re- 
sisted by all true Irishmen with the greatest 
determination. What was made to appear a 
voluntary surrender was nothing but a base 
sham. 

When a robber seizes your goods his act is 
no less a robbery because by administering 
noxious drugs he induces you, in your help- 
less condition, to say you bestow them. 

The infamous methods employed by the 
King's ministers to influence a few so-called 
Irish legislators assembled in Dublin are no 
less detestable than the operations of the bur- 
glar to secure his neighbor's treasure. 

What is called "packing a jury'' is admitted 
by everyone to be a most disgraceful way of 
accomplishing a purpose. It means that the 



102 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

most effective way of obtaining justice is per- 
verted into an instrument of inflicting wrong. 
The jurymen are selected on account of their 
one-sided sympathy either well known from 
former habit or purchased at a price. No one 
will take their decision as worthy of respect, 
notwithstanding that their case is conducted 
under the forms of law. 

For similar reasons the acts of the Irish 
Parliament, at the period under consideration, 
do not deserve to be called independent legisla- 
tion, and are grossly disreputable. 

Lord Cornwallis, after crushing the rebellion 
by his military activity, began at once to exer- 
cise his abilities and powers as legislator. 

Faithful to his master, the King, as a suc- 
cessful general he wanted to show his devotion 
to the royalist interests in his acts as Lord 
Lieutenant. 

He set his mind to the task of making Ire- 
land a mere province of the British empire by 
abolishing its independent parliament. The 
great plea used by him and other advocates of 
the measure was, "the consolidation of the 
British Empire." 

On the 22d of June, 1799, he presented his 
plans before the assembled parliament. He 
congratulated both houses on the suppression 
of the late rebellion, on the defeat of Bom- 
part's squadron, and the recent French vic- 
tories of Nelson, and proceeded to unfold his 
project for the union of their body with that 
of England. 



IRELAND'S RP:V0LT IN '98 Wl 

On the paragraph in his address referring 
to the Union, a debate commenced in the Com- 
mons which lasted till one o'clock the follow- 
ing day— more than twenty consecutive hours. 

Against the Union spoke Ponsonby, Par- 
sons, Fitzgerald, Barrington. Plunkett, Lee, 
O'Donnell and Bushe. 

In its favor the advocates were Lord Castle- 
reagh, Corry, Fox, Osborne, Duignan and 
some others. 

The contest was carried on in the English 
Parliament as well as in Dublin. The two great 
parties engaged in the discussion were known 
as "L^nionists" and "Anti-Unionists." 

That there was a "LTnionist" party in Ire- 
land may cause surprise to those who are unac- 
quainted with the state of the country at that 
period. 

All wonder will vanish when it is recollected 
that the whole island was ovemni with a 
greedy multitude of officials of various kinds in 
the pay of the government ; a host of Church of 
England clergymen; a rapacious body of the 
legal profession, as well as the landlord class 
with their numerous agents — nearly all of 
English importation. 

As these were all in quest of the fat things 
only that they derived from the nation their 
minds were little concerned about the coun- 
try's political independence or its commercial 
prosperity. As long as their various revenues 
were assured they lent their aid in promot- 
ing English interests, completely deaf to the 



104 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

appeals of the natives for a remedy of 
their grievances. The landlord class alone 
wielded a power that was felt in every corner of 
the island. They were for the most part absen- 
tees, i.e., they lived out of the country, gener- 
ally in their sumptuous castles of England or 
Scotland, or seeking amusement while squan- 
dering their wealth in the European capitals. 

To them Ireland was a place not worth 
thinking of except as far as its estates yielded 
them a revenue. Tlieir faithful agents who had 
the collecting of their revenues, lived in luxury 
hardly less than that of their masters, and were 
a formidable colony for English interests at 
Ireland's capital. 

The tenantry on the estates owned by the 
absentee landlord were completely at the 
mercy of the agent. At his bidding the tenant 
cast his vote. If he dare assert his right of 
choice his fate was well known. It meant the 
loss of his home — eviction from the land to 
which he is attached by all the ties of affection 
— a home sacred by the memories of a vener- 
able ancestry. 

The merits of the candidate for parliament 
were not to be considered in the case. The 
candidate might be a county squire of well 
known depraved habits, as often was the case, 
and without capacity for any public office. If 
he was the choice of the landlord the matter 
was decided by instructions issued by the agent 
on eletion day. 

Another powerful instrument of the English 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '9S 105 

government in Ireland was the Established 
Church. This embraced the body of bishops 
and inferior cler^^ with the richly endowed 
colleges. 

As the bishops were selected by the King, 
and held the rank of Lords in the Irish Parlia- 
ment, they always turned the scale in the Up- 
per House in favor of every act dictated from 
the throne. They, along with the numerous 
ministers in charge of so-called parishes 
throughout the country, represented extensive 
land ownership, while Trinity College enjoyed 
enormovis revenues from wide estates confis- 
cated from the old Catholic proprietors. 

Catholics were allowed to dwell on the land 
once owned by their ancestors on condition of 
paying rents to those new masters in order 
that the State Church might flourish. But 
their presence as tenants was not desired and 
was only tolerated as a source of profit. When- 
ever enough of Scotch settlers or other adven- 
turers were found to take the land on the same 
terms the native residents were forced to fly 
into exile. 

That a clergy so liberally provided for by 
the government should be loyal is not difficult 
to understand. The salaries of the Church of 
England bishops — the creatures of the King, 
w"ere so large that the office of bishop was one 
of the most desirable in the Kingdom. 

The salary of the ordinary Protestant parson 
was enough to secure him the enjoyment of 
hixuries more than ordinary, while elesrant 



106 IRELAND^S REVOLT IN 98 

residences with choice acres of glebe-lands 
were also provided for them by the same boun- 
tiful state treasury. 

The ranks of the clergy, it need not be added, 
were well filled. Many an English nobleman 
having more sons than he could provide for 
at home, found it very convenient to place one 
or two of his genteel boys in one of those Irish 
church livings. Indeed, the life of these sleek 
parsons could not be called Apostolic. P^or, 
the bishop lived in a sumptuous style in some 
lovely palace, with title of an imaginary dio- 
cese in some corner of Catholic Munster or 
Connaught, without any Protestant flock, 
while the inferior country parsons foiuid life 
equal to a perpetual vacation. 

Other officials enjoying comfortable gov- 
ernment positions were tax collectors, spies, 
contractors and traders for supplying the 
numerous military garrisons. English mer- 
chants also swarmed in the chief seaports. 

If we add to this foreign element the in- 
fluence of judges, lawyers, and various petty 
officers of the court, there will appear material 
enough to form a party whose tastes and feel- 
ings incline to the so-called "c(^nsolidation of 
the British empire." 

The people of Dublin, who always embodied 
the sentiments of the whole country, show'ed 
how anxious they were aboitt the fate of their 
native parliament. Bad as it proved itself to 
be for years past and almost be}'ond hope of 
reform, it was, nevertheless, to their minds a 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 107 

symbol, if nothing more, of their independence 
as a nation. Its aboHtion foreboded evils still 
more disastrous. 

During the debate on January 22d, men- 
tioned above the galleries and lobbies of the 
House were crowded all night by the most 
prominent people of the city, including many 
ladies, with attention strained to the utmost 
to await the result of the vote. 

That part of the Viceroy's address referring 
to the Union, was rejected by only one vote. 
There was public rejoicing at this announce- 
ment. The leading anti-Unionists were es- 
corted in triumph to their homes, while the 
Unionists were protected by strong military 
escorts froiii the popular indignation. At night 
the city was illuminated, and the event was 
celebrated as a great victory. 

Among the various arguments against the 
Union eloquently presented by the patriotic 
members was the convincing one of the in- 
competency of parliament to put an end to its 
own existence. 

On this point Plunkett, in the course of his 
speech, exclaimed: "Yourselves you may ex- 
tinguish, 1mt parliament you cannot extin- 
guish. It is enthroned in the hearts of the 
people — it is enshrined in the sanctuary of the 
constitution — it is immortal as the island that 
protects it. As well might the frantic suicide 
imagine that the act which destroys his miser- 
able body should also extinguish his eternal 
soul. Again, therefore, I warn you, do not 



108 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

dare to lay your hands on the constitution — it 
is above your powers." 

The defeated Unionists saw that it would be 
necessary to defer the matter for a time. But 
measures were taken for the final success of 
the project. The majority in the House which 
thwarted the Union must be g"ot rid of, and 
for this purpose various schemes were set in 
motion. New members must be secured to the 
number of forty or fifty, who would be at the 
bidding of the Chief Secretary. New peerages 
were created, and other lucrative ofifices dis- 
tributed among those whose votes were to be 
used as the Castle dictated. Vast sums of 
"secret service money" were employed in re- 
moving opposition. Those whose private in- 
terests were threatened by a change from a na- 
tional to an imperial parliament were quieted 
by an advance of money large enough to com- 
pensate for all losses incurred through the new 
political changes. Great borough proprietors, 
like Lord Ely and Lord Shannon, received as 
much as £45,000 sterling in "compensation" 
for their loss of patronage, while proprietors 
of single seats received £15,000. 

It is well known that the majority in both 
houses was purchased, while some were pur- 
chased twice over. 

Lord Carysfort, an active partisan of the 
measure, writing in February, 1800, to his 
friend, the Marquis of Buckingham, frankly 
says: "The majority, which has been bought 
at an enormous price, must be bought over 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 109 

again before all the details can be gone 
through." 

Inside of six months in that year there ap- 
peared in the Dublin "Gazette" a list of forty- 
two new peerages created by the arbitrary act 
of government in order to secure the needed 
majority in support of the Union. 

That mysterious agency called "secret ser- 
vice fund" employed in the machinery of most 
governments, suggests some questions that 
might well make us blush for human nature. 
If all the dark deeds perpetrated under the 
pretense of national emergency through the 
"secret service fund" were exposed to public 
gaze what a ghastly picture of corruption in 
high places — of vile motives in so-called states- 
men would be revealed! 

The use of such money in Ireland was not 
only in purchasing the votes of the native citi- 
zens or legislators that they might betray their 
country's interests. The employment of spies 
at a high price was a long-continued system. 
y\ en of depraved tendencies found a profitable 
calling in the betrayal of most respectable citi- 
zens during the long years when the penal 
laws were in force. The trade of the "priest 
hunter" and the detective for reporting Cath- 
olics found engaged in their highest form of 
worship became profitable and gave occupa- 
tion tO' a vile herd among the lowest dregs of 
the population. During the long reigns of 
Elizabeth and James and Charles that class of 
degraded humanity flourished. For a high 



110 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

price was placed on a priest's head, and every 
Catholic found at his devotions had to pay a 
high forfeit. 

Another tool of the Castle government was 
the emissary paid to foster disunion, to stir up 
quarrels among the populace, to organize riots 
and disorders in order to furnish a pretense for 
severe legislation, and an excuse for delaying 
the country's demands for civil rights. 

The money spent in this manner was 
charged to the Irish tax payer, so that he was 
forced to pay the vile wretch who helped to 
take away the liberties of his country. The 
treasury of the nation was made to do duty to 
keep the nation in bondage. Popular or treas- 
onable agitation was fostered in order toexcuse 
the repressive measures repeatedly decreed 
against the agitators. A spirit of jealousy and 
strife between the native princes w^as kept alive 
so that division would continue among the 
people, and thus their power for resisting op- 
pression rendered feeble. 

This stirring up of strife among the simple 
peasantry, this fomenting disunion and encour- 
aging disorder for purposes of state policy was 
a business carried on with greater secrecy, and 
the lavish use of the "secret service fund" was 
generally kept carefully from public notice. 
But these dark proceedings are no longer sec- 
rets. 

Subsequent history lias revealed all these 
machinations of the politicians of former times 
so revolting to honest men and so disgraceful 
to anv civilized government. 



IRELAND'S RP:vOLT IN '98 111 

Where a noxious viper is nourished for the 
sake of the deadly mischief it is employed to 
inflict, the venom so carefully propogated will, 
in time, turn its bitterness against its employer 
and create an ulcer in the hand that brought it 
into life. 

Dishonorable schemes in the ruler are soon 
copied by the conmion citizen, and the injured 
multitude will not fail to employ similar tactics 
in seeking a restoration of their rights. 

Instead of elevating the subject, as the aim 
of civilized government should be; instead of 
legislating to promote civic and domestic vir- 
tues in the community, we find in the Irish 
administration an infernal machinery set at 
work to foster lying and deceit, to foment bitter 
animosities, and hinder the nation's prosperity. 

When the Irish Parliament met again on the 
15th of January. 1800, the plans of Castle- 
reagh for securing a decisive vote for the 
Union appeared complete. The usual formali- 
ties were carried out. The Viceroy absenting 
himself. Lord Castlereagh read the message, 
and briefly sketched the plan of the Union. He 
congratulated the country on the improvement 
which had taken place in public opinion since 
the former session. He repeated the many ad- 
vantages that would certainly follow from a 
United British Parliament in which Irish in- 
terests could be duly considered. He tried to 
dispel the fears of the different sections of the 
opposition party. The church establishment 
was to be secured, a vague promise was hinted 



112 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

that the Cathohcs would be emancipated, the 
commercial prosperity was sure to advance, 
while many beautiful changes for the better 
were enumerated. 

Now began the debate with all the vigor 
witnessed within the same walls the preceding 
year. Through the long hours of the winter^s 
night an eloquent war was maintained. 

The scene is described by Sir Jonah Har- 
rington, who was hnnself a distinguished actor 
in the struggle. "Every mind," says he, "was 
at its stretch, every talent was in its vigor; it 
was a momentous trial, and never w'as so gen- 
eral and so deep a sensation felt in any country. 

Numerous British noblemen and common- 
ers were present at that and the succeding de- 
bate, and they expressed opinions of Irish elo- 
quence which they had never before conceived, 
nor ever after had an opportunity of appreciat- 
ing. Every man on that night seemed to be 
inspired by the subject. Speeches more replete 
with talent and energy, on both sides, never 
were heard in the Irish Senate; it was a vital 
subject. 

The sublime, the eloquent, the figurative or- 
ator, the plain, the connected, the metaphysi- 
cal reasoner, the classical, the learned, and sol- 
emn declaimer, in a succession of speeches so 
full of energy and enthusiasm, so interesting in 
their nature, so important in their conse- 
quence, created a variety of sensations even in 
the bosom of a stranger, and could scarcely fail 
of exciting some sympathy with a nation which 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 113 

was doomed to close for ever that school of 
eloquence which had so long given character 
and celebrity to Irish talent." 

After the discussion lasted eighteen hours a 
division was taken. 

A majority of 42 was for the Union. 

The new measure continued to be debated 
in conmiittee up to the 21st of May, when Cas- 
tlereagh got his bill accepted in the Irish 
House of Commons by a majority of sixty, and 
on the 7th of June it was finally passed. 

The closing scene on this solemn occasion is 
described by Barrington as follows: "The gal- 
leries were full, but the change was lamentable. 
They were no longer crowded with those who 
had been accustomed to witness the eloquence 
and to animate the debates of that devoted as- 
sembly. A monotonous and melancholy mur- 
mur ran through the benches ; scarcely a word 
was exchanged amongst the members ; nobody 
seemed at ease ; no cheerfulness was apparent ; 
and the ordinary business, for a short time, 
proceeded in the usual manner. 

"At length the expected moment arrived; 
the order of the day for the third reading of the 
bill for a 'legislative union between Great 
Britain and Ireland' was moved by Lord Cas- 
tlereagh. Unvaried, tame, cold-blooded, the 
words seemed frozen as they issued from his 
lips; and, as if a simple citizen of the world, he 
seemed to have no sensation on the subject. 

"At that moment he had no countrv. no 



114 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

God, but his ambition. He made his motion, 
and resumed his seat, with the utmost com- 
posure and indifference. 

"Confused murmurs ag-ain ran through the 
house. It was visibly affected. Every charac- 
ter, in a moment seemed involuntarily rushing 
to its index — some pale, some flushed, some 
agitated — there were few countenances to 
which the heart did not despatch some mes- 
senger. Several members withdrew before the 
question could be repeated, and an awful, mo- 
mentary silence succeeded their departure. 
The speaker rose slowly from that chair which 
had been the proud source of his honors and 
of his high character. For a moment he re- 
sumed his seat, but the strength of his mind 
sustained him in his duty, though his struggle 
was apparent. With that dignity which never 
failed to signalize his official actions, he held 
up the bill for a moment in silence. He looked 
steadily around him on the last agony of the 
expiring parliament. He at length repeated, 
in an emphatic tone, 'as many as are of opinion 
that this bill do pass, say ay.' The affirmative 
was languid, but indisputable. Another mo- 
mentary pause ensued. Again his lips seemed 
to decline their ofifice. 

"At length, with an eye averted from the ob- 
ject he hated, he proclaimed, with a subdued 
voice, 'The ayes have it.' The fatal sentence 
was now pronounced. For an instant he stood 
statue-like; then indignantly, and with disgust, 
flung the bill upon the table, and sank into his 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 115 

cliair with an exhausted spirit. An independ- 
dent country was thus degraded into a prov- 
ince. Ireland as a nation was extinguished." 

The number of Irish representatives allowed 
to take part in the Imperial Parliament in 
London was fixed at one hundred, and of peers 
to be elected for life was thirty. 

The Church of England was declared as one 
with the Irish branch, and to be sustained on 
a similar footing with undiminished revenues. 

The debt of Ireland in 1797 was less than 
i4,ooo,ooo. In '99 it was increased to £14,000,- 
000, and it rose to £17,000,000 in 1801 — all 
chargeable to Ireland alone. 

On the 1st of January, 1801, a new imperial 
standard was displayed on London Tower, 
Edinburgh Castle and Dublin Castle. It took 
the form of the three combined crosses of St. 
Patrick, St. Andrew and St. George, under the 
popular title of the "L^nion Jack." 

The purposes of the insurrection were now 
accomplished to the satisfaction of the King 
and his advisers. 

In justice to all parties it must be recorded 
that among English statesmen there were 
some who opposed the Union and the repre- 
hensible means employed to efifect it. When 
speaking with an Irish acquaintance on the 
subject some time previously. Samuel Johnson 
declared his honest conviction, saying: "Do 
not unite with us, sir, it would be the union of 
the shark with his prey: we should unite with 
vou to destrov vou." 



116 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Tlie gruff old Englishman was right. There 
were no advantages for Ireland derived from 
the Union. 

If the promises made by the ministry had 
been promptly carried out — if the old abuses 
had been eradicated, and the country's pros- 
perity given consideration, there is no doubt 
but the people of Ireland would have become 
reconciled to the new mode of legislation 
forced upon them. But nothing was done to 
conciliate the country without bitter and pro- 
tracted agitation. 

The emancipation of the Catholics was op- 
posed by the King, and they were doomed to 
groan under the old load of disabilities for 
twenty-nine long years further until, by 
O'Connell's agitation, the concessions de- 
manded were made at last. 

The various acts of coercion that were 
passed in the British Parliament even after the 
Union — the increase in the military forces, 
and the strengthening of the garrisons over 
the country may be partly explained by the 
fears yet remaining lest France would resume 
her alliance with the Irish and attempt her 
former designs on the Kingdom. ' 

Napoleon was reported to be deliberating 
with the exiled rebels, whO' had been welcomed 
by him and secured responsible positions in his 
powerful army. 

The sympathy of the French nation for Ire- 
land was well proved, while hostilities against 
England were only interrupted in order to 
await a new opportunity. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 117 

No wonder that suspicion lurked in the 
British camp. The thief holds his plunder 
with an uneasy conscience. 

The regular paid and armed militia in the 
country now numbered 50,000 men, while 70,- 
00c volunteers were enrolled, and battalioned 
and ready to be called out in case of emerg- 
ency. To this formidable force an additional 
army of sea-fencibles were added. 

It soon became plain that all the fine prom- 
ises made would be disregarded, and that, 
great as the difficulties were before to get a 
hearing for Irish claims, still greater obstacles 
would be placed in the way of securing favor- 
able legislation. 

The struggle of Ireland to secure control of 
its own legislation may be compared to that 
of the American colonies during the early part 
of their history. The similarity appears es- 
pecially striking in the new communities of 
Massachusetts and Virginia. 

The arguments used by them were quite 
clear, and are equally forcible to-day. Tlie 
English monarch and parliament claimed the 
right to appoint a governor or a commission 
to control the colonists without consulting 
their wishes. 

The candidate selected for the office was 
generally sent directly from England, and was 
usually ignorant of the conditions of the newly 
settled country. He was seldom expected to 
have sympathy for the aspirations of the 
people, and assumed his new duties with the 



118 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

prospect of acquiring wealth at the expense 
of the strugghng colonists, whom he was de- 
puted to rule. The right to appoint these gov- 
ernors without the consent of the colonists 
was always vigorously disputed by them. Re- 
monstrances were repeatedly sent over to Eng- 
land against such encroachments on their 
rights. Deputies were often chosen at their 
counsels to make the difficult journey and 
plead their case before parliament and beg to 
be relieved of the old grievance. 

It is interesting to quote their own words 
when declaring their views on this matter in 
one of their pleas despatched to the English 
King. It is in the quaint manner of expres- 
sion as used by one of the New England col- 
onies, and is as follows: "There is more likeli- 
hood that such as are acquainted with th€ clime 
and its accidents may upon better grounds 
prescribe our advantages than such as shall 
sit at the helm in England." 

This plea suits the case of Ireland exactly, 
and substantially embodies all her reasons for 
asking to be allowed to govern herself. 

The colony of Virginia had for a long Hme 
resisted the royal pretensions. The struggle 
was continued with great bitterness for many 
years. Even armed rebellion was the outcome 
of long continued oppression, and the impov- 
erished settlers never willingly submitted to 
the authority either of the deputy or the com- 
missioners sent from England to rule them. 

But the mother countrv sustained its gover- 



IRELANDS REVOLT IN '98 119 

nor in the exercise and tlie emoluments of his 
office even at tlie cost of much bloodshed and 
devastation. 

We cannot help observing that the old, fav- 
orite method of tyrants was employed there 
also to keep down the aspirations of the people 
for progressive institutions. 

To restrict the education of the people, to 
keep them in ignorance was the state policy of 
the mother country, as we know from official 
documents of that period. 

Even the few clergymen in the colony were 
considered dangerous because they ventured 
to express freely their opinions of the greedy 
adventurers who came over under royal super- 
vision. 

In 1 761 William Berkeley, one of the most 
arrogant of these governors, set over Virginia 
by royal patent, wrote to a fellow adventurer 
of his own class: "The ministers should pray 
oftener and preach less. But, I thank God, 
there are no free schools, nor printing, and I 
hope we shall not have, these hundred years; 
for learning has brought disobedience, and 
heresy, and libels against the best government. 
God keep us from both." 

In 1683 Charles II. instructed Virginia's 
governor not to allow any printing press in 
the colony on any pretense whatever. 

The same rule was enforced under James II. 

Massachusetts had a similar experience. In 
1686, when Joseph Dudley was sent there as 
cfovernor he was instructed to tolerate no 



120 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

printing press, while sustaining authority by 
force. 

The old British idea of rule for Ireland was 
the same. Much would be gained, it was 
thought, if the great multitude was kept in ig- 
norance. To hide from them the extent of 
their degradation would facilitate the arbitrary 
administration of government such as prevail- 
ed at the time. 

From the first introduction of British do- 
minion in Ireland under Henry VIII., when 
that profligate monarch pillaged the numerous 
religious houses of education, there was no 
pretense of providing schools for the common 
people until some years after the Union. Not 
until the year 1840 was that feeble attempt 
made at providing general education such as 
was styled the national system, which up to the 
present day has proved itself illiberal and in- 
adequate to the wants of the people. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

CAUSES OF DISSENSION AMONG IRISH PATKIOTS. 

A question naturally arises here which de- 
serves a place in the records of Ireland's per- 
sistent efforts to secure her liberty. 

To what causes can we trace so many fail- 
ures in her resistance to oppression? Or, 
rather, why those frequent exhibitions of dis- 
sension in the nation's councils and action? 
What explains the latter will explain all. 

It may be said by some that those dissen- 
sions may be traced to an innate fickleness, or 
irritability, or quarrelsome tendency peculiar 
to the Irish natural temperament — called by 
hostile critics an inborn perversity. 

Even those who justly admire the well 
known virtues and genial disposition of the 
Irish race often find apparent grounds for tak- 
ijig this unfavorable view of the case. How- 
ever, in order to be fair in forming a judgment 
on the matter the condition of the country with 
the various conflicting interests of its popula- 
tion should be thoroughly known. This ap- 
plies especially tO' the most noted periods of 
public agitation. When the circumstances are 
duly weighed it will be evident that whatever 
appears fickle or turbulent in the national char- 
acter is due to causes from outside, and was 



122 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

the result of long continued humiliations and 
grievous wrongs inflicted by an alien, domin- 
ant race. 

There were two principal causes or fruitful 
sources of dissension, and both were forced on 
the country by the foreign government with, 
deliberate and selfish purpose. 

One of these elements of discord consisted 
in the introduction of a considerable foreign 
population during the periods of confiscation 
under James I. and Oliver Cromwell, as well 
as others of an earlier date. 

The other fertile source of disunion was 
found in the introduction of a new religion 
which the native Irish refused to accept, and 
the aggravating methods employed by the 
English government to force that religion on 
the nation. We will consider both of these 
separately. 

By the confiscation of the Irish land and the 
transferring of it to foreign adventurers the 
first foundation was laid for disunion among 
the inhabitants. 

Those new owners of the soil proved to be 
a greedy horde of unscrupulous strangers 
without sympathy for the rights of the natives. 
They came by right of conquest and by royal 
autliority. They came as intruders, and in 
the eyes of the original proprietors were re- 
garded as little less than robbers. There were 
two distinct classes of newcomers. One class 
comprised the landlords, who as favorites of 
ro} alty got possession of those valuable estates 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 123 

with absolute control of their revenues. The 
other class was made up of tenants who volun- 
teered to engage in agriculture with the ob- 
ligation of paying a fixed annual rent to the 
new proprietor. 

Neither of these classes of adventurers could 
be expected to have any sympathy with the 
rightful owners, whom they came to supplant 
in the enjoyment of estates endeared to the 
natives by ties of the dearest associations and 
the memories of a long ancestry. 

This foreign element in the population 
reached considerable proportions in the north- 
ern province of Ulster. Here the plantations 
under James I were firmly established in the 
most fertile sections. In other parts of the 
island new additions to the foreign colonies 
were settled after the invasion and victories of 
Cromwell. 

After the frightful butcheries of this fanatical 
conqueror w^hole districts became depopulated. 
He assumed the role of a second Joshua speci- 
ally commissioned by the Lord to eradicate 
what he called the idolatrous inhabitants. Be- 
lieving himself the instrument of Divine wrath 
on a doomed people, he entered upon the work 
of extermination without pretencling to spare 
either sex or age more than the Jewish war- 
riors spared the Philistines. 

He proved himself an adept in discovering 
among the pages of Bible history certain pas- 
sages that seemed to justify the cruelties of 
war. But such horrors as he perpetrated on 



124 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

the Irish people could not be found recorded 
among the achievements of any conqueror be- 
fore his time, and must have originated in the 
depths of his own hypocritical and bloodthirsty 
soul. 

What fire and sword did not accomplish in 
the wholesale carnage wherever he set his foot 
the horrors of banishment completed, so that 
the hated race might be got rid of. By his 
order whole shiploads of the hapless native 
Catholics were hastily dispatched to the Bar- 
badoes and other islands of the West Indian 
group. 

During the five years of this dictator's arbit- 
rary rule even the English people themselves 
w'ere filled with alarm for their liberties. They 
looked on dumbfounded at his audacity and 
military success, reluctantly submitting for the 
time to the humiliations brought on them by 
the fanatical ambition of one man, persuaded 
that the season of delirium would blow over 
and the nation be restored to rational order. 

By the devastations wrought in Ireland by 
Cromwell's troops new territory was opened 
up for fresh adventurers from England. The 
vacant estates were offered by the conqueror 
as valuable prizes to his countrymen who had 
proved their loyalty either by favoring his 
policy at home or by faithful military service 
in his recent campaigns. 

He even sent across the Atlantic a message 
to the Puritan colonists who had settled in 
Massachusetts kindlv invitinsf them to return 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 125 

and occupy the beautiful valleys in Ireland 
which he had lately subdued. Those hardy 
pioneers on the American coast were reported 
as suffering much hardship in establishing new 
homes on a barren soil and amidst unreclaimed 
forests. But they were not ready to admit 
their enterprise to be a failure, and thankfully 
declined the sympathetic offers of Cromwell. 

Others were found among his English 
friends at home numerous enough to accept 
the rich lands so lavishly bestowed by the dic- 
tator. 

Of course it was from the ranks of the Puri- 
tans he selected those favorites as long as they 
could be found. They were like himself, fan- 
atics in their religious views, if not equally 
unblushing hypocrites. Their qualities did not 
make them an improvement on the earlier 
brood of settlers, or more desirable neighbors 
for the Catholic peasantry. 

Among them there was no pretence to con- 
ciliate the old race, whom they regarded as the 
victims of divine wrath, and now helplessly re- 
duced to subjection as a despised remnant of 
an idolatrous nation. 

To drive all the natives from the country, 
even were it possible, did not appear good 
policv, for the new proprietors saw no advan- 
tage in leaving their estates uncultivated where 
the supply of foreign tenants became insuffi- 
cient. For their own interests, therefore, the 
landlords allowed the dispossessed natives to 
remain as tenants and enjoy the doubtful con- 



126 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 

solation of tilling the soil, even with the bur- 
dea of dividing the products of their labor with 
strange masters. 

With infinite patience the humble peasantry 
resigned themselves to their hard lot. Genera- 
tion after generation they paid tribute to their 
foreign and hostile landlords. As peaceful, 
law-abiding husbandmen, they drew from the 
soil the heavy rents so sternly exacted; and 
when crops failed without their fault, and evic- 
tion followed with all its horrors, they said 
"good bye'' to the old homestead of their 
fathers with a grief which only those of their 
own race can understand. The only choice 
for them was exile. They betook themselves 
to the emigrant ship to seek a welcome where 
lordly oppression had lost its power forever, 
and where they could enjoy the fruits of their 
industry secure from the hands of a rapacious 
and idle aristocracy. 

Well meaning observers might say: "Far 
better would it have been for the Irish people 
if the entire race had fled from those cruel op- 
pressions, and cast their lot on the new con- 
tinent across the Atlantic, where broad and 
fertile acres awaited the industrious colonist, 
and where no penal laws interfered with the 
free exercise of their religion." To do so, liovv- 
ever, even if advantageous, was impracticable. 
Love of native land was always the strongest 
passion of the Irish race. To separate from the 
home of their fathers was regarded by them as 
a calamity worse than death. To their minds 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '08 127 

there was no prize in any foreign land to com- 
pensate for the loss of their own. With per- 
sistency they clung to the sacred spot; even 
accepting the humiHating- conditions imposed 
by the new masters, finding some solace in 
the hope that a just Providence would in His 
own time raise up a liberator and restore their 
ancient liberties. 

The great majority of the population still 
continued to be of the native race and of the 
Catholic creed. Although powerful in num- 
bers they were politically helpless. They were 
completely at the mercy of the foreign prop- 
prietors of the soil. They were barely toler- 
ated as tenants at will, in constant dread of 
eviction, as the caprice of the landlord or his 
agent might dictate. Their relations with the 
landed gentry were those of the shark dealing 
with his prey. 

The character of the men who represented 
British authority in Ireland had all the gross- 
ness of the long past feudal times when the 
animal instincts held sway and the passion of 
avarice steeled the heart against the cries of 
justice. The average landlord, as he was 
known in Ireland, was a libertine. The 
enormous revenues which he drew from his es- 
tates he squandered with lavish hand in his 
English castle or on the continent. Whenever 
he condescended to visit his Irish estates he 
kept aloof from the tenants as if his bad con- 
science made him dread some evil from the 
very people to whom he owed his wealth. 



128 IRELAND'S RE\ OLT IN 'm 

As those estates came into his hands by 
ro3al favor and by schemes of a questionable 
character he could not be expected to display 
any of the virtues of true nobility. His origin 
was often of the humblest character. He 
seemed to live only for the pleasure of extrav- 
agance and the grosser vices. 

Conviviality would be a feeble name for his 
pastimes. He lived up to his revenues, and 
as the estate passed from father to son it 
show'ed no improvement. The son was usually 
more prodigal, more wasteful and reckless 
than the father. The estates became mort- 
gaged, and as each succeeding owner sur- 
passed the former in a life of debauch new 
debts were added to the old, until the whole 
property became bankrupt, or held in control 
of the courts for the benefit of creditors. This 
was the general condition of the landlord class, 
and such is the financial condition of most of 
the Irish estates at the present day. 

Another part of the new foreign element 
in Ireland's population comprised a numerous 
body of government officials, such as judges, 
sheriffs, revenue officers, and such subsidized 
favorites of the civil administration attracted 
by the comfortable salaries and other emolu- 
ments which they contrived to extract from 
the country's revenues. 

This class all owing its advancement to the 
favor of government found its interests iden- 
tical with those of royalty. To keep the native 
peasantr}^ in a state of helpless subjection and 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 129 

without a voice in legislation of any kind was 
their determined policy. 

As the courts of law were constituted and 
maintained for those long centuries of foreign 
control a citizen of the native peasant class 
could not hope for just consideration in any 
legal dispute. 

An appeal to the law' was easy enough. The 
legal fraternity was on hand at every turn. 
The pomp, and circumstance, and ceremony of 
the bench was ready in abundance. But what 
a court! What a mockery of justice! Judge, 
jury, sherifif, clerk, liveried emplovees, even 
to the jailer and hangman, were all one with 
the omnipresent landed gentry, who might 
violate any law in dealing with the impover- 
ished and hated native. Woe to the tenant 
who would have the audacity to enter litigation 
with his landlord! 

Whv enumerate the severities practised for 
several generations on this crushed people — 
the packed juries, the atrocities of petty tyrants 
in the shape of village magistrates, the fer- 
ocious passions of irresponsible jailers? 

Opportunities for education were purposelv 
denied to the peasantry. This was one of the 
heaviest grievances, and was felt most keenlv 
by a people gifted with intellio-ence of a hio-h 
order and passionatelv fond of learning. The 
list of wrongs presented in the records of those 
times might be extended to the point of weari- 
ness. 



130 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 

In other countries and in our own times, 
when courtesy and kindness is universally ob- 
served between all classes it is difficult to con- 
ceive the arrogant manners of the so-called 
gentry of Ireland towards the native peasantry. 

Persons now living can go back in memory 
over a period of fifty years and vividly recall 
that haughty bearing and open contempt dis- 
played by the dominant aristocrac}- for the 
humiliated race. 

Even the tender youth on either side were 
primed with that bitter spirt of strife which 
they witnessed in the conduct of their elders. 
Wordy encounters were common in the streets 
as the well fed child of .the aristocrat jeered at 
the native peasant school fellow and taunted 
him with his lowly condition. 

Thus harassed in his adversities through 
several generations, the Irish peasant was 
liable to become irritable and suspicious in the 
course of an ordeal that no temperament, how- 
ever genial, could sustain. 

It would have been a miracle if a people so 
long and so grievously subjected to wrong and 
to insult should show no sign of impatience. 

Their prolonged state of discontent aggrav- 
ated by inability to discuss openly their ordi- 
Tiars' rights gave rise to the various secret so- 
cieties which were formed in the country from 
time to time. 

Nor is it difficult to explain the occasional 
outbursts of passion and violence which the 
historian of those troubled times has to record. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IX '98 131 

Those who know the nature of the provoca- 
tion in such cases will admit that patience was 
tried beyond the limit of human endurance, as 
it is understood in the most civilized and law- 
abiding communities. 

It was through the influence of their religion 
alone, which taught patience in adversity and 
to return good for evil that they were able to 
submit to wrong for so many generations, and 
to bear their well-earned character of indus- 
trious and peaceable citizens. 

From the foregoing it will be seen that the 
population of Ireland during the long period 
imder review formed two hostile camps. To 
speak of an Irish question, or Irish agitation, 
was misleading. The expression was equiv- 
ocal. There was the Ireland of the ancient 
race, and the Ireland of the foreign minority, 
owning the soil and constituting the civil 
power. The one was content with the existing 
conditions and the administration; the other 
yearned for a change that would relieve them 
from grievances next to intolerable. 

What were called national movements for 
securing independent legislation were thwart- 
ed by a powerful faction not in reality a part 
of the Irish nation, but devoted to the private 
interests of an alien minority. The conditions 
still remain the same. The old diflficulty of 
disunion is explained, and presents a problem 
that is not yet solved. 

The other baneful source of discord planted 
in the country bv British force was the Pro- 



132 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

testant creed. If no other object was intended 
.but to excite animosity between neighboring 
races and perpetuate strife in a peaceful com- 
munity this was the most efficient for that pur- 
pose that could be devised. 

To force upon the people of Ireland a creed 
which they detested was, indeed, capping- the 
climax of wrongs inflicted on them. It was 
sowing the seed of a bitter strife between the 
authority that assumed the task and the resist- 
ing people who repelled such wanton abuse on 
the part of the civil government. 

We must bear in mind what this new at- 
tempt implied, as it was understood by the 
Irish people. It implied an outrage on their 
liberties, on their feelings, and on their intelli- 
gence. It was bad enough to deprive them of 
their civil rights by taking away all voice in 
their country's legislation. It was bad enough 
to have robbed them of their soil by various 
confiscations, but to try to invade their rights 
to mental freedom, their right to free delibera- 
tion and forming opinion on matters purely 
religious, was regarded as an impertinence to 
be resisted to the bitter end — even at the cost 
of life. 

The continued refusal on the part of the 
people to accept the new religion answered 
the purposes of the government admirably. 
P'or rapacity found a pretext for new confisca- 
tions, while fines and forfeitures supplied addi- 
tional revenues for the royal coffers. It suited 
equally a multitude of unscrupulous adventur- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 133 

ers looking for plunder in the conquered prov- 
inces. A large class whose loyalty was always 
pliant and those greedy for land were ready 
to accept the rich prizes which the recusant 
Irish forfeited to the crown. Those of no par- 
ticular mental convictions or conscientious 
scruples could put on the air of zeal for the 
King's prerogative, and with artful hypocrisy 
denounce the victims of the penal laws, always 
sure of ample reward for their services. 

It would have been an easy matter to yield 
to force, to obey the arbitrary command with- 
out inquiring into the motive, or questioning 
the right of the ruler in the case. To accept 
the new creed, to profess in a brief sentence 
the loyalty that was exacted would be reward- 
ed by secure possession of property and home, 
by advancement in a useful profession and 
luxurious ease. A mere equivocation, a set 
form of words, with indistinct, or doubtful 
meaning, would have pleased the inquisitorial 
court. But the Irish Catholic subject had 
higher aspirations than those of mere sordid 
gain that might be secured by betraying truth, 
or co-operating in wanton injustice. 

It was one of the most tremendous experi- 
ments of physical force in conflict with moral 
resistance. The ordeal was dreadful for the 
whole Catholic population defending the right 
of conscience. 

As an immovable rock in the midst of the 
ocean stands firm after repeated storms and 
the fury of raging billows dashing against it, so 



134 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

did the Irish people stand unflinching in their 
faith, resisting for centuries the furious as- 
saults of heresy, and defying the wanton claims 
of human power over the rights of conscience 
and the independent exercise of deliberate 
reason. 

They conquered at last; but their victory 
was one of the intellectual order; and they de- 
serve the laurels due to true heroes in the cause 
of mental freedom for all future time. In the 
course of the tedious battle the disasters insep- 
arable from such determined resistance were 
serious, and their material losses and griev- 
ances will long continue unrepaired. 

The Irish Catholic people marshalled their 
ranks on the side of humanity and liberty. 
Their claim was that civil power has its proper 
limits — that there are eternal principles which 
no earthly monarch can alter — that the civil 
power, whether in the hands of royalty or other 
magistrate, however titled, cannot constrain 
the subject in the exercise of his mental facul- 
ties, especially in convictions on his future and 
eternal destiny. It was a stern defiance. The 
battle was waged by the recusant subject with 
fearful odds against him, and the whole world 
looked on with eager interest. 

Contemporary peoples, long crushed under 
similar despotic claims of the civil power, held 
their breath in astonishment at this unheard 
of defiance of royal abuses, and awaited an- 
xiously the victory so full of significance to all 
others oppressed for conscience sake. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 135 

The exercise of arbitrary authority in what- 
ever hands and on whatever pretext, saw its 
doom not far off. The old stronghold of ir- 
responsible despots claiming unquestioning 
obedience met an assault designed to shatter 
it from its foundations. 

Who does not see here a contest of the 
greatest import to all mankind? Ireland was 
ready to reject the abstract claim to encroach 
on her intellectual freedom with a promptness 
and energy that would be unmistakable; but 
its abhorrence for this particular invasion of 
human rights in its concrete form was greater 
as the motives of government were base and 
disreputable. 

The intense abhorrence entertained by the 
Irish people for this outrage offered them, and 
the length of time in which the hated policy of 
the government continued will explain the 
disasters that necessarily followed. 

Tlie new religion meant the submission of 
the mind to opinions formed by a voluptuous 
monarch who aspired to the role of a head of 
the church — nothing less than a sort of pope, 
to regulate what his subjects must believe. 

This claim of the British government was 
kept up and enforced by every artifice that a 
despotic power or the depraved ingenuity of 
man could devise during the long period of 
three hundred years. It arose with the quarrel 
of Henry VIII. with the pope in 1527, and was 
not laid to rest until the abolition of the penal 
laws in 1829 through the agitation of the great 
O'Connell. ^ « ^ 



136 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

Fifteen different monarchs occupied the 
British throne during that period, and, if we 
except Mary's short reign of five years, there 
was no abatement in the odious warfare 
against the ancient reUgion of the Irish nation. 
As the different monarchs succeeded each 
other on the Enghsh throne the administration 
in Ireland differed only in the degree of sever- 
ity with which those infamous laws were put 
in force. 

The pretext alleged by the government for 
introducing the new doctrine and enforcing its 
acceptance under such severe penalties was to 
secure the loyalty of the subject. 

If the Irish people could be led to believe 
that this was the real motive they would be 
open to argument and would listen with some 
degree of respect to the demands of royalty. 
But they knew it was only a pretext. It was 
enough for them to know the origin of the new 
creed. No plausible words could hide from 
them the plain fact that it had its birth in the 
depraved passions of Henry. The people re- 
fused to sanction Henry's domestic vicious 
career. Henry resolved on revenge, and de- 
termined to get rid of an authority that inter- 
fered with his enjoyments. 

There is one characteristic of the Irish peo- 
ple that most historians overlook. It is this. 
They can tolerate other human passions with 
a degree of patience, but they have an insuper- 
able abhorrence of that which made Henry 
put away his lawful wife and led him to become 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 137 

a shameless brute. Whatever may be the ex- 
planation of this trait in their character, they 
regarded this form of vice among those most 
deserving of contempt. 

What wonder, therefore, if a religion com- 
ing from Henry would be eyed with suspicion 
by such a people? It was too plain to them 
that he was playing thte part of the depraved 
boy who wanted to free himself from the auth- 
ority of his good father in order to pursue his 
vicious course without restraint. 

Besides the passion of lust at the bottom of 
the new religion, there was another which 
showed itself plainly from the very beginning. 

It was that of disordered ambition and 
wounded pride, which saw a boundless field for 
its gratification in the overthrow of the pope's 
spiritual authority. Both of these passions be- 
trayed themselves at once in the so-called re- 
former of Germany, from whom Henry got his 
new religious views. 

But still further a third passion cropped up 
in Henry's new schemes. It was that of av- 
arice. Once the profligate monarch gave him- 
self up to the basest form of vice it was easy to 
foresee that other extremes would soon be 
adopted. His extravagance led to new de- 
mands for means to fill his depleted treasury. 
He looked about him for available sources of 
revenue. Why spare the rich monasteries and 
the incomes of the old church, whose bishops 
refused to accept him as a new pope? His 
mind was made up. Two of his unholy pas- 
sions would be gratified bv the same stroke. 



138 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

He liad no difficulty in finding among mem- 
bers of his court, in the officers of the army, and 
the government officials men of his own mind. 
They were ready as pliant tools to carry out 
his vast schemes of plunder in the numerous 
religious houses throughout the kingdom. 

For the sake of appearances there were offi- 
cial inquiries made into the condition of the 
various communities — whether the monks 
were strict observers of their monastic rules. 
It was plainly for the interests of the King and 
of his deputies in carrying out these projects 
to discover and report abuses among the in- 
mates. 

The reports were, of course, unfavorable, 
just as the King had desired. Wholesale pil- 
lage of these homes of lax livers was at once 
commenced. 

Before the eyes of the public the project was 
represented as a work of zeal, intended for the 
real good of the monks; an efficient way of 
correcting their frailties. For, even if they 
were driven out of their homes and robbed of 
their livings, it was eminently necessary for the 
edification of the Kingdom. 

To avoid giving too much of a shock to the 
feelings of the people the smaller monasteries 
only were seized in the beginning. Gradually 
the larger prizes fell victims to the rapacity of 
the King's agents, who were amply rewarded 
with a portion of the spoils l:)estowed on 
them by their master for their zeal in his ser- 
vice. 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 139 

The enormous income secured from this pil- 
lage of the numerous religious houses in Eng- 
land was enough to meet Henry's most ex- 
travagant demands. But why should he stop 
there once the profitable enterprise was set 
on foot Why not make Ireland yield up her 
sliare in the great reformation of monastic 
morals? 

As the bishops and abbots refused to ac- 
knowledge his supremacy in the church, he 
took revenge by issuing a decree for their 
deposition from office and the seizure of their 
revenues. 

In May, 1541, by Henr}''s instructions, a 
parliament was summoned in Dublin under 
the Viceroy, Lord Grey. Tlie object was to 
carry out the King's new policy, and force the 
whole Irish people to acknowledge his sup- 
remacy in ecclesiastical affairs, as well as to 
decide his claim to the title of King over the 
island. 

This parliament was not representative of 
the Irish nation, as many of the most powerful 
Irish chiefs took no part in it. Its members 
were old dependents and agents of the crown, 
mostly residents of the Pale, and selected un- 
der the Viceroy's supervision on account of 
their well-known sympathy with England's in- 
terests. However, they did as their royal mas- 
ter desired. By a so-called parliamentary de- 
cree Henry was declared King of Ireland and 
head of the church. 

The Irish bishops rejected with scorn the 



140 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

novel pretensions of the licentious King. All 
the consequences followed just as had lately 
occurred in England. The Irish dioceses were 
placed in the hands of men of pliant con- 
science, whose ambition was more for filthy 
lucre than the purity of truth. 

Among the Irish ecclesiastics there were 
found a few who became apostates during the 
trying ordeal, purchasing the temporary dig- 
nities offered at the price oi their eternal in- 
terests. The property of the religious orders 
that had been established for generations in 
every section of the country was seized by 
royal order, while the monks and other clergy 
were expelled, many put to death by the mili- 
tary sent to evict them, or forced to fly for shel- 
ter to the continent. 

Here was the beginning of that huge rob- 
bery under the name of religion committed in 
Ireland by order of British monarchs. 

A motley crowd of fortune hunters from 
England were ready for the spoils. Hypocrites 
abounded in these days. A door was opened 
to human depravity, which is never wanting 
when encouraged by opportunities. As the 
King himself defied the plainest laws of mor- 
ality no wonder if common subjects equally 
unscrupulous were eager to grasp at stolen 
prizes offered for apostacy. What a prince 
can do with unblushing dissimulation will 
cease to appear shameful in the eyes of pliant 
subjects under the influence of avarice. 

A selection of such hirelings were planted 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 141 

by Henry as his own bishops to take charge of 
the old faithful dioceses of Ireland, while other 
adaventurers from across the channel were re- 
warded for their loyalty with the rich estates 
confiscated from the monasteries. 

After Henry's death the spoliation went on 
with increased vigor under the boy king, Ed- 
ward VI. and Elizabeth. 

Soon after the latter ascended the throne a 
packed parliament was convened in England 
for the purpose of declaring the Protestant re- 
ligion established in the Kingdom. 

In this was enacted the famous law requiring 
all seeking to enter any civil or ecclesiastical 
office to take the test oath, which was as fol- 
lows: "I. N. N. do hereby testify and declare, 
in my conscience, that the Queen's highness 
is the only supreme governorof this realm, as 
well in spiritual and ecclesiastical things and 
causes as in temporal." 

In Ireland, especially, this test was rigor- 
ously put in force. 

A foreign clergy was imposed upon the 
country with the object of converting the in- 
habitants to the new faith as by English law 
established. In every part of the country the 
people saw planted in their midst those strange 
intmders with the titles of bishop or minister 
richly subsidized with the spoils of the ancient 
church. 

To the Irish people this bodv of pampered 
ecclesiastics were as far from edifving as cnuld 
be imagined. As representing the Church of 



142 IRELAND'S REVOLT IX 98 

Christ it was a broad satire— a joke to make 
the peasantry spHt their sides with laughter, if 
the humorous view^ of the case was not over- 
shadowed by the feeHng of disgust which they 
had for the would-be preachers. 

They had read enough of Scripture to know 
that a genuine minister of Christ must give 
proof of some self-denial in his own life such 
as the divine Master inculcates. The new pas- 
tors sent over by Henry and Elizabeth had no 
such qualities to recommend them. These 
sleek ministers backed up by royal authority, 
enjoying princely salaries, housed in elegant 
mansions, with the choicest glebe lands as an 
extra perquisite, consoled by charming waves 
and a numerous offspring, displaying a taste 
for luxury as if it were a necessary part of their 
profession, and with arrogance of manner 
whenever they ventured to appear in public, 
were hardly the sort of men to gain the respect 
or the confidence of the native Irish. The con- 
trast was too great between their sumptuous 
style of living and the simple religious life of 
the monks and other clergy who had been ban- 
ished or put to death to make room for them. 
Even the simplest peasant could not be blind- 
folded in this. If the objection to the monks 
consisted in the extent of their wealth, or in 
carelessness regarding the monastic rule, 
there was no sign of improvement in those sent 
to take their place. Tlie Church of England 
bishop or parson was notoriously and every- 
where a man devoted to his own personal com- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 143 

fort, insatiable in collecting his tithes, and 
showing a haugiity contempt for the poor, with 
no apparent object in life except to feast sump- 
tuously every day. 

Such a church organization was to all the 
Irish people a glaring imposture and was re- 
garded with supreme contempt. It meant to 
them a two-fold burden, which they were 
bound to resist with eternal hatred. It repre- 
sented the foreign civil power which robbed 
them of their lands and their liberties. At the 
same time .pretending to be a church aimmg 
at a reform of their ancient faith, it represented 
a huge and shameless lie under the sancti- 
monious mask of religion. 

It was supported by the civil power in order 
to devour the country's vitals, and to be the 
instrument in turn of perpetuating that power 
in enslaving the nation. 

To witness a colony of parsons enjoying the 
stolen goods of the people while pretending a 
mission to reform that people's faith — that was 
the climax of effrontery. A child could see 
that it was the estates and revenues they were 
after. 

What language could describe the disasters 
brought upon Ireland by this new colony of 
hypocrites and the harassing measures used to 
impose on the people the new creed! 

For three hundred years a barbarous code of 
penal laws were put in force against all who 
refused to accept it. Confiscation of estates 
for such refusal was one of the most ordinary 
inflictions. 



144 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Imprisonment and heavy fines for attending 
Catholic worship continued a steady source of 
exasperation to the great body of the inhabi- 
tants. The Cathohc nobihty were one by one 
stripped of their possessions, and either forced 
into exile or to remain in a state of destitution. 

The reign of Elizabeth presents the most 
complete picture of the extreme severity em- 
ployed by the civil power in Ireland to compel 
the people to obedience in spiritual matters. 
The horrors of brutal force used against 
freedom of conscience drew the attention of 
the civilized world. 

Elizabeth's chief hobby seems to have been 
that all should acknowledge her as the head 
of the church. To deny her that prerogative 
was taken as the most serious insult that could 
be offered. Her wounded ambition must be 
vindicated at all hazards. She could never re- 
lent in her fixed determination to visit the 
recusants with the heaviest penalties. 

Other monarchs who meddled in the re- 
ligious question were as cruel as she proved 
herself to be, but her name is associated more 
prominently with those Irish atrocities for 
which she was willingly responsible. The great 
length of her reign, too. gave her full oppor- 
ttmity for the display of her character in its 
true colors. Her iron rule lasted forty-four 
years; and during that long period the fierce 
struggle was kept up in Ireland, and the de- 
vastation of the country went on, accompanied 
by barbarities of the grossest kind committed 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 145 

by her troops to force her reUgious views on 
an unwilHng people. 

Some historians disHked to call her measures 
cruel. Even our own usually fairminded Ban- 
croft, when referring to her policy at that 
period, uses the word "firmness," while he 
uses the word "bigoted" in reference to Philip 
King of Spain, although the measures em- 
ployed by the Spanish ruler were the same as 
those adopted by Elizabeth, and both on pre- 
tence of religion. The impartial observer will 
pronounce such measures as cruel and heart- 
less, whether perpetrated by Elizabeth or 
Philip of Spain, and equally deserving the rep- 
robation of every civilized people. 

To give one instance out of a thousand: 
When the Catholic Archbishop O'Hurley was 
tortured in Dublin in the year 1583 with the 
sanction of the Queen for the so-called crime 
of denying her spiritual supremacy his execu- 
tioners placed his feet in tin boots filled with 
oil, under which a fire was kindled as a means 
of causing intense agony, we hardly think the 
sufferer would believe the word "firmness" the 
right expression to designate a certain quality 
in Elizabeth's character. 

For similar reasons, no doubt, certain his- 
torians would explain in mild language the 
conduct of Oliver Cromwell at Drogheda 
when he burned several hundred persons, in- 
cluding women and children, in the church 
where they took refuge from his fury. 



146 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

Elizabeth's reign was also noted in Ireland 
as the period of the "priest-hunter." The class 
of spy known in Ireland under this title was 
created and fostered in the enforcement of the 
penal laws. To understand his peculiar calling 
we need only be reminded that the hardest of 
these laws were directed against the Catholic 
clergy. As they rejected with scorn the 
Queen's blasphemous claim they were ordered 
to leave the Kingdom under pain of death. A 
similar punishment was decreed for any one 
harboring a priest or bishop. This law was 
carried out with the utmost rigour. The clergy, 
whether monks or secular priests, were liter- 
ally pursued with fire and sword. The military 
sent tO' complete their extermination, got full 
license to employ a variety of tortures as they 
might see fit in dealing with their victims. Most 
of them fled to the continent, while many hun- 
dreds were put to death. Out of one thousand 
Dominican monks residing in their convents 
in Ireland at the time of Henry's apostacy 
there were only four left at Elizabeth's death. 
The Franciscans fared in the same manner. 

In the midst of this desolation and in the 
face of the greatest perils there were always 
some zealous priests to remain in the country 
under various disguises secretly visiting their 
faithful flocks in order to administer whatever 
consolations their religion could give under 
the circumstances. 

That the penal law against them might have 
its effect, a high price was offered by public 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 147 

authority as a reward for the discovery- of any 
such ecclesiastic in the country. Here was 
the field for the informer known in the lan- 
guage of the period as the "priest hunter." 
They were a vile class of men, and their num- 
ber grew to be formidable, while exceedingly 
zealous for the Queen^s dignity. A reign of 
terror prevailed in every corner of the island. 
Neither the obscure peasant's cottage nor the 
natural caves in the unfrequented moun- 
tainous regions was a safe retreat from these 
prowling demons in human shape. The scaf- 
fold was erected at every military post. The 
blood of the innocent was poured out day after 
day. Native Irish of the highest rank as well 
as the quiet peasantry were dragged to death 
for the so-called "treason" of openly professing 
their faith. 

To pass through an ordeal of this kind that 
was prolonged, with very brief intervals of 
moderation, through fifteen successive reigns, 
was enough to demoralize any people. Joined 
to the horrors of persecution for conscience 
sake in the form of physical inflictions, deci- 
mation of families by execution, banishment, 
confiscation of property, the inhabitants were 
in a constant turmoil of controversy, bitter re- 
proaches and irritating recriminations, as be- 
tween the favored alien settler and the crushed 
and conquered natives. 

If discontent is justly deemed the source of 
revolutions, here was a perpetual nursery of 
sullen plots and agitation with a vengeance. 



148 IRELAND'S REVOLT L\ '98 

Generations growing up amidst such in- 
fluences will necessarily acquire an irritable 
temperament, nuitual suspicions will become 
habitual, while a certain harshness will mingle 
with the most amiable disposition. 

A thorough knowledge of the relations be- 
tween the classes in Ireland will give the reas- 
ons of the tendency to disunion whenever 
popular attempts were made to remedy the 
nation's wrongs. 

Whatever degree of impatience we are 
forced to witness in the character of the people 
can be traced to the same source — a long-con- 
tinued brutal oppression borne with sullen de- 
fiance and undying resolve for revenge. 

That brutal force has vanquished the weaker 
side, and enjoyed its victory for a long season 
will be the judgment of a superficial world. 
Unscrupulous arrogance and perfidy triumphs 
over justice and humanity. 

But the Irish people in the midst of their de- 
feat and humiliation represent another kind of 
victory in the cause of fidelity and the emanci- 
pation of the human mind. The power and 
the victory they represent is that of the soul — 
a power — a force that can prove itself invinc- 
ible against the most formidable armies in its 
aspirations for truth and independence. 

Reflecting philanthropists of our times can 
look back and discover in their unflinching 
adhesion to truth and their resolve to abolish 
all wanton claims of the civil ruler, under what- 
ever form of dictatorship, a priceless victory 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 149 

for liberty to be secured in future times and in 
every nation. 

During the very period under considera- 
tion here another people on the great Ameri- 
can continent were engaged in a similar con- 
flict, refusing to obey the unwarranted man- 
dates of pampered royalty on the British 
throne. 

The spirit that animated both was the same. 
Human liberty was approaching its full de- 
velopment, and human rights were about to 
reach a clearer definition. Who will refuse to 
these two nations struggling with despotism 
the gratitude due to their heroic persistency? 

Through them the old narrow view of poli- 
tical rights made way for those broad ideas of 
popular independence and noble free institu- 
tions in which we all share in these modern 
times, and which are yet destined to reach a 
more perfect development. 

The censure of disloyalty could not be 
charged to the Irish people in their protracted 
struggle with the abuses of royalty. The Irish 
rather erred in their too great fidelity to mon- 
archs who were far from being worthy of their 
confidence. They poved their conscientious 
loyalty to Charles I. and James II. even at the 
risk of the greatest disaster to their country. 
If they had abandoned the cause of those 
worthless princes their own interests would 
have been assured. 

With that scrupulous fidelity nurtured by 
the religion which they professed they cheer- 



f 



150 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

fully adhered to the cause of the rightful heir 
to the throne, as the laws of nations were then 
understood, and in matters relating to civil 
obedience; following the plain teaching of St. 
Paul to be obedient to the civil ruler for con- 
science sake, and the similar mandate of the 
Divine Master to give to Caesar what belongs 
to Caesar. But they, among all other nations, 
most emphatically insisted that the civil ruler 
can compel obedience only within certain lim- 
its — that there is a domain in which the secular 
authority must not presume to venture — the 
exercise of the powers of the mind, the con- 
victions of the intellect in the relations be- 
tween the individual and his Creator. 

In a word, the Irish people have always been 
conspicuous and gained the admiration of the 
world for their valor in the material conflict of 
arms, while their unflinching fidelity to the 
principles of justice and intellectual freedom 
claims the respect of all who can appreciate 
civil and religious liberty. 



CONCLUDING HINTS. 



A question very natural will present itself to 
readers of history such as the foregoing. It is. 
Can we conceive a way of totally eradicating 
the spirit of rebellion from among the people 
of Ireland or any other people having similar 
grievances? 

We answer without hesitation, it is not only 
possible, but it is easy to accomplish such a 
happy result. 

It will come when statesmen are able to 
grasp the extent of those grievances and hon- 
estly inquiring into their cause, make haste to 
apply the remedies. 

It is useless to hide from ourselves the fact 
that every discontented people point to certain 
adverse legislation, or to certain privileged 
classes among their fellow citizens as respon- 
sible for the evils of which they complain. 

Whether the people are right, whether they 
have just grounds for judging harshly either of 
a system of government or of the powerful 
classes on whom they are wholly dependent 
deserves at least a serious inquiry. 

It would seem that self-interest ought to in- 
duce such favored classes to promote the well- 
being of the classes depending upon them. 

Judging from past history and the unac- 
countable stupidity or indifference of those in 



152 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

high places, when the wretchedness of multi- 
tudes cried out for relief, we still fear that the 
remedy will not come from the quarter whence 
the evils arise. 
As long as human nature remains what it is 
and what the experience of ages has sadly 
taught — as long as it continues to be selfish, 
grasping, avaricious even to blindness to the 
miseries of fellowmen, we can hardly hope for 
that well balanced justice dictated even by 
self interest among the powerful individual 
citizens in dealing with the dependent classes. 
Even the old adage so intelligible to all, that 
the goose that lays the golden egg should not 
be killed, is too often forgotten. 

When ordinary human compassion for the 
miseries of others who happen to be in our 
power is wanting, we would expect that the 
motive of private interest — of future profit, 
would lead those in power to pursue a clement 
and gentle policy. But, however the problem 
may be explained, the strong arm of the state 
must often be called upon to restrain the in- 
dividual citizen in his ill advised or harsh deal- 
ings with a weaker brother. 

Legislation must step in to regulate con- 
tracts and conditions of a private nature which 
aflFect the general well-being of the community. 
When statesmen can bring themselves to ad- 
mit that the industrial classes, which form the 
majority in every civilized nation, have a right 
to a reasonable share of the fruit of their own 
industry — a right to protection in the enjoy- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 153 

ment of their hard earned possessions — a right 
to the common blessings held out by a bene- 
ficent Providence to the industrious tiller of 
the soil — a right to be sustained in all his legiti- 
mate aspirations for advancement — then will 
government rest secure from the threats of 
discontented millions, and from the warnings, 
the sullen conspiracies of the agitator. 

The solution of the so-called great problem 
is simple. Encourage industry by securing to 
the industrious the fruit of his toil. Let him 
see that nothing will impede his advancement 
when he devotes his energies to any laudable 
pursuit. Respect his private convictions, 
whether religious or political, and hinder not 
his free profession of them, as long as they 
have no dangerous tendencies. 

This does not imply anything revolutionary. 
If there exists a nobility or a class of citizens 
powerful on account of the great wealth which 
they enjoy, let their rights be also respected 
equally with those of the common multitude. 
The public interests of the community will not 
demand from them the surrender of the dig- 
nity belonging to their position, or the posses- 
sions they legitimatelv acquired. 

Limit them only in their power of doing 
wrong. When they employ their superior in- 
fluence and wealth against the interests of (the 
great masses of the community; when they 
abuse their power over the dependent classes 
so as to discourage industry, crush healthy 
ambition, stand in the wav of private enter- 



154 IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 

prise, then public legislation must step in and 
set limits to the mischief which such abuses 
inflict on the multitude. 

It is not in Ireland alone that the stupid in- 
difference of the powerful classes to the mis- 
ones of the dependent multitudes has brought 
its own punishment with it. The continent 
has had its share of horrors produced by like 
causes. 

Reasonable concessions made by those in 
fiigh places to their inferiors seldom pass un- 
acknowledged. A generous policy on the part 
of the capitalist in dealing with the laborer 
turns out advantageous to both. The return 
of gratitude for fair treatment is hardly ever 
wanting among the employed towards the em- 
ployer. 

Why crush all hope in the heart of the lab- 
orer while he pursues a reasonable gain — a 
legitimate advancement? 

Public policy — the prosperity of the nation 
demands that the causes of discontent shall be 
removed. If it exists the state should apply 
the remedy even to secure its own safety. 

These general principles are never out of 
date. They apply at present as they did in 
past times, and there is no form of government 
that can afiford to neglect them. 

The humane and liberal spirit that has 
grown so general in all enlightened nations 
of our times inspires us with hope for the es- 
tablishment of order and good will between 
the different classes of society. The great mis- 



IRELAND'S REVOLT IN '98 155 

takes of governments and of the privileged 
classes will hardly be repeated. 

The grave lessons of the past will be neglect- 
ed at the peril of society now no less than in 
former times. 

Until these lessons, taught us at such a fear- 
ful cost, are well learned and the mistakes of 
the past corrected let no one be surprised at 
revolutions. 



tHJa'07 



^. 



